INTRODUCTION.
The circumstance of an English army penetrating
into Central Asia, through countries which had not been traversed by European
troops since Alexander the Great led his victorious army from the Hellespont
to the Jaxartes and Indus, is so strong a feature in our military history,
that I have determined, at the suggestion of my friends, to print those
letters received from my son which detail any of the events of the campaign.
As he was actively engaged with the Bombay division, his narrative may
be relied upon so far as he had an opportunity of witnessing its operations;
and it being my intention to have only a few copies printed, to give to
those friends who may take an interest in his letters, I need not apologize
for the familiar manner in which they are written, as they were intended
by him only for his own family, without an idea of their being printed.
A history, however, may be collected
from them most honourable to the British soldiers, both Europeans and natives
of India. They shew the patience with which, for more than twelve months,
the soldiers bore all their deprivations and fatiguing marches through
countries until then unknown to them, whether moving through arid sands
or rocky passes, under a burning sun; or over desolate mountains, amidst
the most severe frosts, with scarcely an interval of repose. Neither was
their gallantry less conspicuous than their patience, when they had the
good fortune to find an enemy who ventured to face them. Although the circumstances
which his letters detail might well deserve a better historian than my
son, yet are they of that high and honourable character, that they cannot
lose any part of their value by his familiar manner of narrating them.
When I decided upon printing these letters,
it became a matter of interest to place before the reader a short account
of the countries in which the operations of the army were conducted, as
well as of the native rulers who took part in, or were the cause of them;
in order that the letters might be more clearly understood by those friends
who have not felt sufficiently interested in the history of those countries
to make any inquiries about them. But, before I do so, I shall draw the
attention of the reader to the army of Alexander, to which I have before
alluded.
Without entering into the causes which
led to his extraordinary conquests, predicted by Daniel as the means ordained
of God to overthrow the Persian empire, then under the government of Darius,
certain it is that he conquered the whole of those countries which extend
from the Hellespont to the Indus, when his career was arrested by his own
soldiers. Having overrun Syria, Egypt, Media, and Parthia, keeping his
course to the north-east, he not only passed the Oxus, and forced his way
to the Jaxartes, but, pressed by the Scythians from its opposite shore,
he crossed that river, and beat them in a decisive battle. From the Jaxartes
he returned in a southern direction towards the Indus, and having suffered
the greatest privations, and struggled with the most alarming difficulties
during the time that he was engaged in the conquest of those mountainous
districts, he at length reached Cabool, making himself master of Afghanistan.
Here he appears to have halted for a considerable time, to refresh and
re-equip his army, which, with the addition of 30,000 recruits, amounted
to 120,000 men.
At this place, Alexander first came upon
the scene of the campaign referred to in the following letters. Here he
meditated the invasion of India, intending to march to the mouth of the
Ganges; but the conquest of that country was destined for a nation almost
unknown in the days of Alexander, and lying far more remote from it than
Greece; and, until the campaign of 1839 drew our armies to the western
side of the Indus, the Sutlej was alike the boundary of Alexander's conquests
to the east, as of those of England towards the west.
Alexander, having prepared his army for
this expedition, moved towards the Indus, taking many strong places on
his march. Having crossed that river, the king of the country offered no
resistance, but became the ally of Alexander, who expected to have found
Porus, whose kingdom was on the other side of the Hydaspes, equally ready
to submit. But it required the utmost skill of Alexander to cross the river,
which he effected, and conquered Porus, after a most severe struggle, with
the loss of his renowned charger, Bucephalus; and he was so pleased at
the magnanimity of Porus that he not only gave him back his kingdom, but
added several small states to it, making him a sincere ally.
Alexander then continued his march towards
the east, conquering all who opposed him, until he reached the banks of
the Hyphasis (Sutlej), which he was about to cross, when his progress was
arrested by murmurs and tumults in his camp. His soldiers declared their
determination not to extend his conquests, and entreated him to return.
He then marched back to the Acesines, gave the whole country as far as
the Hyphasis to Porus, and thus made him ruler of the Punjab. Alexander
encamped near the Acesines until the month of October, when the fleet which
he built, consisting of 800 galleys and boats, being ready, he embarked
his army and proceeded towards the Indus; but before he reached that river
he came to two countries possessed by warriors who united their armies
to oppose his progress. After beating them in many engagements, Alexander
attacked the city of the Oxydracæ, into which the greater part of
those armies had retired. Here his rash valour had nearly terminated his
career: he was severely wounded in the side by an arrow, from the effects
of which he was with difficulty restored to health.
He then descended the river, a portion
of his army marching on its banks, conquering every nation that opposed
him. About the month of July he reached Patala (Tatta), where he built
a citadel and formed a port for his shipping. He then proceeded, with part
of his fleet, by the western branch of the river, to discover the ocean.
This he accomplished at great hazard, when he sacrificed to the gods (particularly
to Neptune), and besought them not to suffer any mortal after him to exceed
the bounds of his expedition. He then returned to join the rest of his
fleet and army at Patala, and to make arrangements for his march to Babylon.
He appointed Nearchus admiral of his fleet, and having given him orders
to ascend the Persian Gulf to the Euphrates, he commenced his march through
Beloochistan, leaving Nearchus to follow him as soon as the season would
permit.
Alexander was more than sixty days in
reaching the frontiers of Persia, during which time his army sufficed such
dreadful privations from want of food, that the soldiers were obliged to
eat their own war-horses, and from the sickness consequent upon such a
state of distress, his army was reduced to less than one-half of the number
which left Patala. It is not necessary to follow him to Babylon, or to
describe the voyage of Nearchus, who, having sailed up the Persian Gulf,
united his forces to those of his royal master in the river Pasi-Tigris,
near Susa. Enough, however, may be learned from this history to convince
us that if such an army could be conducted 2000 years ago from the Hellespont
to the Jaxartes and Indus, the march from the southern shores of the Caspian
Sea to Cabool would require comparatively but very slight exertion, if
those who have the means should have the desire also to accomplish it.
I can say little, of my own knowledge,
of the political causes which gave rise to the war, as I am unacquainted
with the affairs of India and the motives which actuated its governors;
but a brief outline may be collected from a book lately published by the
Hon. Capt. Osborne, military secretary to the Governor-General, to which
I shall refer, after making some observations upon the countries through
which the operations of the army were conducted, and particularly on the
situation of Afghanistan, in reference to those persons who had before
been, is well as those who were, its rulers, when Shah Shooja was restored
by the British Government to its throne. These observations I have chiefly
collected from the valuable work of that enterprising officer Lieut. Burnes,
which he published after visiting those countries in 1831, 1832, and 1833.
The chief portion of the Bombay division
of the army engaged in the operations to which these letters refer, landed
at the Hujamree mouth of the Indus, and marching through Lower Sinde, by
Tatta, ascended the Indus by its western bank. On arriving in Upper Sinde,
it was found that Shah Shooja with his contingent, as well as the Bengal
division of the army, had crossed the Indus en route from that Presidency,
and had advanced towards Afghanistan, and that the Bombay division was
to follow them. To effect this, the division marched through Cutch Gundava,
and the Bolan Pass, which is situated in the mountains which divide the
province of Sarawar, in Beloochistan, as well as Cutch Gundava, from Afghanistan.
Having made their way through the Bolan
Pass, the army entered the Shawl district of Afghanistan, and thence proceeded
through the Ghwozhe Pass to Candahar, Ghuzni, and Cabool; at which last-mentioned
place Shah Shooja's eldest son joined his father with some troops of Runjet
Sing's, which had crossed the Indus from the Punjab, marching by Peshawur
and the Kyber Pass. The division of the Bombay troops under General Willshire
having remained at Cabool about a month, returned to Ghuzni, and thence
in a straight direction to Quettah, leaving Candahar some distance on the
right; Capt. Outram, who commanded a body of native horse, preceding the
main body of the division for the purpose of capturing the forts, or castles,
belonging to those chiefs who had not submitted to Shah Shooja. From Quettah,
General Willshire moved with a part of his division upon Kelat, and thence
through the Gundava Pass and Cutch Gundava to the Indus, where these troops
were met by the rest of the division, which came from Quettah by the Bolan
Pass. Hence they descended to Curachee to embark for their respective quarters
in India.
The fate of one of the regiments of the
division, the 17th, as it is recorded in a Bombay paper, is most distressing.
They embarked at Curachee for Bombay, and sailed in the morning with a
fair wind and a fine breeze, but before the night closed in upon them the
ship was fast aground upon a sandbank, off the Hujamree branch of the Indus,
scarcely within sight of land. Everything was thrown overboard to lighten
the ship, but in vain; she became a total wreck, and settled down to her
main deck in the water. She fortunately, however, held together long enough
to allow all the men to be taken on shore, which occupied three days, but
with the loss of everything they had taken on board with them. The other
regiments, we may hope, have been more fortunate, as they were not mentioned
in the paper which gave this melancholy account of the 17th regiment.
Sinde, the country through which the
army first passed, is divided into three districts, each governed by an
Ameer, the chief of whom resides at Hydrabad, the second at Khyrpoor, and
the other at Meerpoor; and when Lieut. Burnes ascended the Indus, in 1831,
the reigning Ameers were branches of the Beloochistan tribe of Talpoor.
With these the chief of Kelat and Gundava, Mehrab Khan (who was related
by marriage to the Ameer of Hydrabad), was more closely allied than any
other prince. Like them, he had been formerly tributary to Cabool, and
had shaken off the yoke, and, possessing a very strong country between
Afghanistan and Sinde, he became as useful as he had at all times proved
himself a faithful ally to the Sindeans. Shikarpoor, with the fertile country
around it, as well as Bukker, had formerly belonged to the Barukzye family
of Afghanistan, and, although they still possessed Candahar, Cabool, and
Peshawar, they had in vain endeavoured to withdraw Mehrab Khan from his
alliance with the Sindeans, or to recover those lost possessions.
To understand the political state of
Afghanistan, into which the army marched for the purpose of restoring Shah
Shooja to its throne, it will be necessary to go back to the early part
of the last century, when Nadir Shah had raised himself to the throne of
Persia. His name having become formidable as a conqueror, he turned his
thoughts to the conquest of India, and, assuming sufficient pretexts for
breaking the relations of amity which he professed for the monarch of that
country, he determined to invade it, and for that purpose began his march
in 1738. Taking with him some of the chiefs of Afghanistan, he crossed
the Punjab and entered Delhi. He there raised enormous contributions, and
seized upon everything worth taking away; amongst other things the far-famed
Peacock throne, in which was the renowned diamond called "The Mountain
of Light." The spoils with which he returned to Persia were valued at nearly
seventy millions of pounds sterling.
It is not necessary to follow the history
of Nadir; it will be enough to say that, amidst the confusion which followed
his death, Ahmed Khan obtained possession of part of his treasure, amongst
which was the great diamond. He escaped with it into Khorassan, where he
made himself master also of a large sum of money which was coming to Nadir
from India. Ahmed was a brave and intelligent man, had been an officer
of rank under the Shah, and, being in possession of the treasure necessary
for his purpose, he proclaimed himself king, and was crowned at Candahar
"King of the Afghans." Ahmed was of the Suddoozye family, which were but
a small tribe; but he was greatly assisted by the powerful Barukzye family,
whose friendship he justly valued and made use of to his advantage: of
this latter family Hajee Jamel was then the chief.
Ahmed knew how to conciliate the independent
spirit of his Afghan subjects, and by making frequent incursions on his
neighbours, kept alive that spirit of enterprise which was congenial to
their feelings; but from the time of his death the royal authority began
to decline, as Timour, his son and successor, had neither the sense nor
enterprise necessary to uphold it. Affairs became still worse under the
sons of Timour. Shah Zumaun was of a cruel disposition, and wanted the
education necessary to the situation he was called upon to fill; his brothers,
Mahmood and Shah Shooja, were not better disposed; and towards the Barukzye
family, who had been so instrumental in placing their grandfather, Ahmed,
on the throne, they conducted themselves not only most imprudently, but
with dreadful cruelty.
Shah Zumaun was succeeded by Shah Shooja,
of whom, although the chief person in the present drama, little more need
be said of this part of his history than that, ignorant of the mode of
governing such independent tribes as the Afghans, his power was never great,
and, after the fall of his vizier, and the murder of his comrade, Meer
Waeez, it gradually declined, until he lost his throne at Neemla, in 1809.
He had taken the field with a well-appointed army of 15,000 men; but was
attacked by Futteh Khan, an experienced general, at the head of 2000 men,
before the royal army was formed for battle; Akram Khan, his vizier, was
slain, and he fled to the Kyber country, leaving the greater part of his
treasure in the hands of his conquerors.
Shah Shooja had failed to conciliate
the Barukzye family; Futteh Khan, their chief, had therefore espoused the
cause of the king's brother, Mahmood, and having driven Shah Shooja from
his throne, he placed Mahmood upon it, and accepted for himself the situation
of vizier. Under his vigorous administration, the whole of the Afghan country,
with the exception of Cashmere, submitted to the dominion of the new sovereign.
The Shah of Persia, anxious to possess himself of Herat, sent an army against
it, but was defeated in his object, and Herat was preserved to Mahmood
by the successful exertions of Futteh Khan.
No sooner, however, was Mahmood thus
firmly established in his dominions, than his son Kamran became jealous
of the man who had raised him to the situation, and had secured to him
the kingdom; he therefore determined to effect the ruin of the vizier.
The prince was not long in gaining over his father to his views; and Futteh
Khan being at Herat, Kamran seized on his person and put out his eyes.
In this state he kept him prisoner for about six months, during which time
the brothers of the vizier, irritated at the conduct of Kamran, began to
show signs of disaffection. Mahmood ordered Futteh Khan to be brought before
him in the court of his palace, and accusing the brothers of the vizier
of rebellion, directed him to bring them back to a state of allegiance.
The vizier, in the dreadful condition in which he had been reduced, replied
to the demand of Mahmood, "What can an old and blind man do?" when, by
the order of the king, the courtiers cut the vizier to pieces, limb after
limb: his nose and ears were hacked off; neither did he receive his death
blow until not a member of his person was left upon which they could inflict
torture.
With the fall of his vizier the king's
power rapidly declined, and he fled to Herat, virtually yielding up the
rest of his kingdom. He died in 1829, his son, Kamran, succeeding to the
limited government of that portion only of his former dominions. Upon the
flight of Mahmood to Herat, the horrid murder of their brother threw the
whole of the Barukzye family into open revolt, the eldest of whom, Azeem
Khan, recalled Shah Shooja from his exile. From the time Shah Shooja lost
his throne, he had been first a captive in the hands of the son of his
former vizier, and then a pensioner on the bounty of the Maharajah, at
Lahore, who in return extorted from him the famous diamond "The Mountain
of Light" and other jewels, which he had brought away with him when he
fled at Neemla.
He then made his escape from the Maharajah,
and found protection and support from the British government of India.
Upon the summons from Azeem Khan, Shah Shooja immediately hastened to Peshawur;
where, before his benefactor had time to meet him, he practically displayed
his ideas of royalty so unwisely, and so insulted some of the friends of
the Barukzye family, that the whole party took offence, and they at once
rejected him, and placed his brother Eyoob on the throne. Eyoob was but
a puppet king, the tool of the family who raised him to the government;
Azeem Khan, who was appointed his vizier, being in truth the ruler. Several
of the young princes who aspired to the throne were delivered over to Eyoob,
who put them to death.
Shooja, driven from Peshawur, retired
to Shikarpoor, which the Ameers of Sinde ceded to him; where, in place
of conducting himself with prudence, he was so addicted to low intrigue
with those about him, that his enemies availed themselves of this propensity
to effect his ruin, and drove him from Shikarpoor, when, crossing the Indus,
he fled through the desert by Juydalmeer, and returned to Loodiana. "The
fitness," says Lieut. Burnes, "of Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk for the station
of a sovereign seems ever to have been doubtful. His manners and address
are highly polished, but his judgment does not rise above mediocrity; had
the case been otherwise, we should not now see him an exile from his country
and his throne, without a hope of regaining them, after an absence of twenty
years, and before he has attained the fiftieth year of his age."
The civil wars which had thus so frequently
occurred in Afghanistan weakened the resources of the country and its means
of defence. Runjet Sing availed himself of the advantage which this state
of affairs presented to him, and obtained possession of Cashmere; when,
continuing his conquests, he crossed the Indus, and made himself master
of Peshawur, burning its palace, and laying the country under tribute.
Azeem Khan made a precipitate retreat before the army of the Sikhs towards
Cabool, without attempting to arrest their progress, and was so stung with
remorse at the weakness of his conduct that he died on reaching that city.
With the death of Azeem the royal authority
was extinguished. The king fled to Lahore, and lived under the protection
of his conqueror. Herat alone remained in the possession of one of the
Suddoozye family. The brothers of the late vizier seized his son, and deprived
him of his treasure and his power. The kingdom was then divided between
them. Cabool fell into the hands of Dost Mahomed; Peshawur and Candahar
were held by two of his brothers; the Sindeans threw off their yoke, and
refused to pay tribute; Balk was annexed to the dominions of the King of
Bokhara; the richest portion of the provinces having fallen into the possession
of the Sikhs. In seventy-six years from the time that Ahmed Shah was crowned
at Candahar, the Dooranee monarchy again ceased to exist.
As I have given the character of Shah
Shooja, it will be interesting to quote that of Dost Mahomed, from the
same author. "He is unremitting in his attention to business, and attends
daily at the courthouse, with the Cazee and Moollahs, to decide every cause
according to law. Trade has received the greatest encouragement from him,
and he has derived his own reward, since the receipts of the customhouse
of the city have increased fifty thousand rupees, and furnished him with
a net revenue of two lacs of rupees per annum. The merchant may travel
without a guard or protection from one frontier to another, an unheard-of
circumstance in the time of the kings. The justice of this chief affords
a constant theme of praise to all classes. The peasant rejoices at the
absence of tyranny, the citizen at the safety of his home, the merchant
at the equity of his decisions and the protection of his property, and
the soldier at the regular manner in which his arrears are discharged."
"One is struck with the intelligence, knowledge, and curiosity which he
displays, as well as at his accomplished manners and address."
To this short sketch of Afghanistan,
and of the persons connected with its political history, I will add some
extracts from the work of the Hon. Capt. Osborne, because they explain
the circumstances which led to the campaign of the Indus, and to the restoration
of Shah Shooja to the throne of Cabool. He says, "In May, 1838, a complimentary
deputation was sent by Runjet Sing to the Governor-General at Simla, consisting
of some of the most distinguished Sikh chiefs, who were received with all
the honours prescribed by oriental etiquette. Shortly afterwards, Lord
Auckland resolved to send a mission to the court of Lahore, not merely
to reciprocate the compliments of the Maharajah, but to treat upon all
the important interests which were involved in the existing state of political
affairs in that quarter of the world.
"The recent attempts of the Persians
on Herat, the ambiguous conduct of Dost Mahomed, and the suspicions which
had been excited with respect to the proceedings and ulterior designs of
Russia, rendered it of the greatest importance to cement the alliance with
Runjet Sing, and engage him to a firm and effective co-operation with us
in the establishment of general tranquillity, the resistance of foreign
encroachment, and the extension of the benefits of commerce and the blessings
of civilization. Accordingly, W.H. Macnaghten, Esq., was deputed on the
mission to the Maharajah, accompanied by Dr. Drummond, Capt. Macgregor,
and the Hon. W. Osborne, military secretary to the Governor-General.
"The object of the Governor-General's
mission to Lahore having been accomplished, and the concurrence, and, if
necessary, the co-operation of Runjet Sing, in the restoration of Shah
Shooja, secured, Mr. Macnaghten repaired to Loodiana, for the purpose of
submitting to the Shah the treaties that had been concluded, and announcing
to him the approaching change in his fortunes. The envoys seem to have
been much struck with the majestic appearance of the old pretender, especially
with the flowing honours of a black beard descending to his waist, always
the most cherished appendage of oriental dignity. He had lived for twenty
years in undisturbed seclusion, if not 'the world forgetting,' certainly
'by the world forgot,' consoling himself for the loss of his kingdom in
a domestic circle of six hundred wives, but always 'sighing his soul' towards
the mountains and valleys of Afghanistan, and patiently awaiting the kismet,
or fate, which was to restore him to his throne. The preparations thenceforward
went rapidly on. The contingent raised by the Shah was united (more for
form than use) to the British force, and in three months the expedition
began its operations."
But before I conclude this introduction
to the letters, which detail the results of these treaties with the Maharajah,
and the march of Shah Shooja to Cabool, as I have spoken of the leading
characters of Afghanistan, I may be permitted to say a few words about
the persons through whose exertions the Shah has been restored to the throne
of that country — the officers of the British army; and I do so the more
anxiously, because the naval and military glory of our country, which in
my early days was the theme of every song, is now seldom heard of in society,
and those gallant services appear to be nearly forgotten, which during
a long protracted state of warfare, within our own recollection, placed
England in a position to dictate her own terms of peace to the world: —
a state of society which encourages a certain class of persons the more
effectually to abuse the military profession, and to mislead their deluded
followers, by clamouring about the expense of the army, and the aristocratic
bearing of its members, that they may the more readily carry out their
own schemes of personal vanity and demoralizing political economy.
It is the peculiar feature of the British
army, to which we are indebted for its high and honourable bearing, that
the sons of the first families in the land are ever anxious to bear arms
under its standards, looking not to pecuniary emolument, but to those honours
which military rank and professional attainments can procure for them;
whilst the first commands and the highest stations in the service are filled
without distinction from every grade in society. It is this happy mixture
which induces that high sense of honour, so peculiarly characteristic of
our service; that acknowledged distinction between the officers and the
privates; that true discipline which, tempered with justice and kindly
feeling, wins the respect of the soldier, and induces him to place that
reliance upon his commander everywhere so conspicuous, whether in the camp
or field of battle. But this high feeling in the army causes no additional
expense to the country; the charge is altogether a deception. Let the following
sketch of a young soldier's life of the present day, as applicable to others
as to himself, answer the charge of these politicians.
He [Tom Holdsworth] was educated for
the highest walk of the legal profession, and had nearly prepared himself
for the university, when he decided to change his course and go into the
army. The Commander-in-chief placed his name amongst the candidates for
commissions, and he went to Hanover, where, after he had made himself master
of the German language, his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge kindly
gave him a commission in the Yagers of the Guard, better known in England,
in the Peninsula, and at Waterloo, as the Rifles of the German Legion.
Being only a volunteer in the regiment, he could not receive pay from the
government; he was, therefore, at very considerable personal expense to
keep his proper standing with his brother officers; and as soon as he had
acquired all the military knowledge that he was likely to get in the regiment
in time of peace, he obtained leave to return to England; and, as he had
not any immediate expectation of a commission, he visited France, to make
himself more perfect in the French language.
After this, he was allowed to purchase
a commission in the 2nd regiment, or Queen's Royals; and he embarked to
join that corps in India. His letters will shew what that regiment, in
common with others, have endured during a campaign of fifteen months in
Central Asia, their privations and expenses; and when his second commission
was paid for, during that campaign, he found himself at its close, at the
age of twenty-five, a lieutenant on full pay, the amount of which, if he
was in England, would be far short of the interest of the money which has
been expended in his commissions and education, and with fifteen lieutenants
still above him on the roll of his regiment.
It will be seen by his letters, and it
is confirmed by the official despatches of the Commander-in-chief, that
the company to which he was attached (the light company of the Queen's)
led the storming party at Ghuzni. He was shot through the arm and through
the body, and left for dead at the foot of the citadel at Kelat, whilst
endeavouring to save the lives of some Beloochees who were crying for mercy.
And for these services he is to be rewarded with a medal, by Shah Shooja;
for Ghuzni, and for the capture of both places he has the full enjoyment
of the highest gratification that a soldier can feel — the consciousness
that he has done his duty to his country, and, let me hope, in the act
of mercy in which he suffered, his duty to his God as a Christian. But
he is not a solitary example of such good fortune. No one who was wounded
and survived may have been nearer death than himself, yet are there others
who have done more, and suffered more, as the history of the army of the
Indus would bear ample testimony.
Let me then ask, in behalf of the British
officer, when he is lightly spoken of as a man, or when the expenses of
the army are cavilled at, on which side is the debt — on his, or on that
of his country?
A.H. HOLDSWORTH.
Brookhill, — May, 1840.
It may be right to draw the attention
of the reader to a circumstance which, at first sight, may appear singular
— that the same letters frequently contain reports quite contradictory
to each other. It should therefore be borne in mind that such letters were
probably written at different times, as the writer found opportunity; who,
being anxious that his family should know all that passed as well in the
camp as in the field, preferred leaving each report in the way in which
it was circulated at the time of his writing it, rather than correct it
afterwards, as the truth, might turn out. Such letters shew the situation
in which an army is placed on its landing in a new country, where no account
of the movements of the inhabitants can be relied upon, and the heavy responsibility
which attaches to the officers who are entrusted with its command.