*INTRODUCTION*
*Section 1* -- Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea
*Section 2* -- Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India
*Section 3* -- Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from 1542 to 1543
*Section 4* -- Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548
*Section 5* -- Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1548 to 1564, under several Governors
*Section 6* -- Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1564 to the year 1571
*Section 7* -- Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576
*Section 8* -- Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end of that separate government
*Section 9* -- Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to 1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain, on the Death of the Cardinal King Henry
*Section 10* -- Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597
*Section 11* -- Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to 1612
*Section 12* -- Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517
*Section 13* -- Account of an Expedition of the Portuguese from India to Madagascar in 1613
*Section 14* -- Continuation of the Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1617 to 1640; and the conclusion of the Portuguese Asia of Manuel de Faria
*Section 15* -- Occurrences in Pegu, Martavan, Pram, Siam, and other places
*Section 16* -- A short Account of the Portuguese possessions between the Cape of Good Hope and China

INTRODUCTION.

In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese in India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have not deemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to the arrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, which often contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We have therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appeared important or curious. And, as has been already done in the two immediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additions from other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper and consistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be found distinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed.--E.

 

Volume 6, Chapter 4, Section 1 -- Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea.

During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, some circumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine his narrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted such as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found most of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received notice of the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal city Swakem, in about 19° of north latitude,[349] which was well built and rich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and endeavoured to amuse [[=deceive]] De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that he might save his insular city from being destroyed.

The greatest injury occasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroying the ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much time was gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making a considerable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered; on which occasion many of the private men got [[loot]] to the value of five or six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground.

Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 men in 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25° N.,[350] that place was destroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy were taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing of value was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city from reverence to St. Catharine, as there was a monastery at that place dedicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Being to his great glory the first European commander who took that city, he knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in great esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. The friars of this monastery of St. Catharines at Toro are of the Greek church, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28° N.[351] and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient Elana.

Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound and examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person and in open day to view the Turkish galleys. He accordingly landed with his soldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemy were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced to retire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object of the expedition.

On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to the severity of Emanual de Gama[352] a mutiny had taken place, and that 80 men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They were met however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of them slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were found hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for having concealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution, these men cited De Gama to answer before the great tribunal, and within a month De Gama died raving mad.

About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleet commanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe a storm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the other vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadful tempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made by one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if he survived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter to Don Garcia de Sa, afterwards governor of India, which lady was one of the most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived at Goa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time, and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, he loaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, and dispatched them for Lisbon.

About this time Nizamoxa[353] wished to gain possession of the forts of Sangaza and Carnala, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on the frontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength and situation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders, who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen, to assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese. Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of native troops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men. The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza abandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both commanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons with both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruined both districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to the Portuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to the two forts, meaning to defend them.

Nizamoxa sent an additional force of 6000, men, of which 1000 were musketeers and 800 well-equipped horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave two assaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezes went immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom were horse, together with several naigs and 2000 Indians. After a sharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemy fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed with arms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and the Portuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious strength, named Trancoso, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast, receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies' weapons, and continued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle.

The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in Chaul, visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance of Sangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides that Nizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that prince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to the great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived from Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed Don Stephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bring out to India the famous St. Francisco Xaviar, one of the first fathers of the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of Apostolic Legate of all Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels. But we shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues and wonderful actions.

On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent notice to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced De Gama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found nothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who instigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of much honour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against De Gama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when they are in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by refusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgusted him that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the sword of command.

Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with much honour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wife offered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside at Venice. The Emperor Charles V. persuaded him to return to Portugal, assuring him of the king's favour; but he found none; for princes are more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewarding much done for their service. On assuming the government of India, Don Stefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200,000 crowns; and when he left the government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns diminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb was inscribed, at his own desire, He who made knights on Mount Sinai ended here.

===========
[Footnote 349: Lat. 19° 40'.]
[Footnote 350: Lat. 26° 15'.]
[Footnote 351: Lat. 28° 15'.]
[Footnote 352: In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as commanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have commanded the ship that mutinied.--E.]
[Footnote 353: In Portuguese x has the power of sh in English orthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and may be the same prince called in other places of De Faria Nazamaluco or Nizam al Mulk.--E.]

 

Volume 6, Chapter 4, Section 2 -- Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India.[354]

We have placed these exploits in a separate Section, because although they appear in the Portuguese Asia as having taken place during the government of Don Stefano de Gama, yet is their chronology by no means well defined; and likewise because their authenticity is even more than problematical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence of overstepping the modest bounds of history; and there is reason to believe that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the authority of Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character. Yet they seem sufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this work; and it is not at all improbable that Antonio de Faria may have been a successful freebooter in the Chinese seas, and that he may have actually performed many of the exploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed in some places with palpable romance.--E.

About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of Malacca, sent his factor Mendez de Pinto with a letter and a present to the king of Patane, desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portuguese who were then slaves to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrusted with goods to the value of 10,000 ducats, to be delivered to the factor of De Faria at Pam. Having at that place made up a valuable cargo of diamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of 50,000 crowns, it was all lost one night in a tumult, occasioned by the following circumstance. There resided in Pam an ambassador from the king of Borneo, who one night detected the king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediately slew him. On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose in commotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge. In this tumult about 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese factors were robbed, and some of their companions slain.

They made their escape to Patane, where they and other Portuguese asked leave of the king to make reprisals on three vessels belonging to merchants of Pam, which were then riding at anchor in the river Calantam 18 leagues off, richly laden from China. Getting the king's permission, they set out to the number of 80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement took and brought in these ships to Patane, where their cargoes were valued at 300,000 ducats. The people of Patane urged the king to take these ships from the Portuguese; but he decided that the 50,000 crowns should be made good to them of which they had been plundered at Pam; on which the merchants paid that sum and were allowed to continue their voyage.

About the same period, Pedro de Faria y Sousa sent his kinsman Antonio de Faria y Sousa to treat of important affairs with the king of Patane, and in particular to preserve peace with that prince. Antonio carried goods with him to the value of 12,000 ducats; and finding no sale for them at that place, he sent them to the port of Lugor in the kingdom of Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed they would sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of this valuable cargo to Christopher Borallo, who was surprised while at anchor in the mouth of the Lugor river by Khodjah Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, who commanded a vessel well stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turks and Moors. Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these pirates by swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster to Antonio de Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would never desist till he had destroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this loss. Husseyn was equally inveterate against the Portuguese, ever since Hector de Silveyra had taken a ship belonging to him in the sea of Guzerat, killing his father and two brothers; and had continually exerted himself in robbing and murdering the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination of revenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of those brave actions which I now mean to relate with all my usual sincerity, without affection for my kindred.

Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men, in which he sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May 1540, and steered north-east towards the kingdom of Champa or Tsiompa, to examine that coast. He here saw the island of Pulo Condor, in lat. 3° 20' N.,[355] and then to the eastwards rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia. Entering the port of Bralapisam, he found there a vessel of the Lequii, having on board an ambassador from the prince of the island of Lossa[356] in 36° of north latitude, for the king of Siam. As soon as this vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it weighed anchor and sailed away. Faria sent after them a Chinese pilot with a civil message, who brought back this remarkable answer, "We return thanks: The time will come when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in real friendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose clemency is boundless, since by his death he gave life to all mankind, and remains an everlasting faith in the house of the good. We confidently hold that this will be when half the times are past."[357] The pilot also brought back a rich scimitar in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of the same, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. Antonio would have made a return, but the vessel could not be overtaken.

From thence Antonio proceeded to the river Pulo Cambier, which divides the kingdoms of Cambodia and Tsiompa. At the town of Catimparu, he was informed that great river took its rise in the lake of Pinator, 260 leagues westwards in the kingdom of Quitirvam, encompassed with high mountains, around which lake there are 38 towns, 13 of which are considerable, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crowns yearly. It belonged to four lords, who were engaged in continual wars for its possession. At Bauquerim likewise there is a mine of the finest diamonds: and from the disposition of the people they might easily be conquered by the Portuguese.

Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of the river Toobasoy, fearing to go up. At this place he espied a large vessel to which he made signs of peace, but received a rude answer. As night drew on, it was thought proper to wait for day; but in the dark first one vessel and then three more were descried coming towards them, and forty men from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their vessel taken and the others burnt. A black who was taken on this occasion declared himself a Christian, saying he had been slave to Gaspar de Melo, who had been taken by the pirate Similau along with 26 other Portuguese, all of whom he had barbarously put to death. The black said that Similau had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only a few men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the same death they had used to inflict on others.

As soon as day appeared that other vessel was taken, and the booty in silver only [[=alone]] amounted to 60,000 ducats, besides other goods. Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river Tinacoreu or Varela, where the ships of Siam and Malacca, trading with China, barter their goods for gold, calamba, and ivory, with which that country abounds. He anchored off a small town called Tayquileu, the inhabitants of which called the Portuguese the bearded people; for though these people had beards, theirs were short and thin, whereas those of the Portuguese were at their full growth, many of them reaching to their girdles. By the inhabitants of this place Antonio was informed that their river was formerly called Tauralachim or the Great Stock, to express its greatness; that it is deep and navigable for 80 leagues, up to a town named Moncalor, and then becomes wide and shallow, coming from the great country of Chintaleuho, where the country for eight days journey had been depopulated 40 years before by a multitude of birds! In the middle of that country is the great lake of Cunabetee or Chiamay, whence spring four great rivers. That lake is 180 leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in mines of silver, copper, tin, and lead.

From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of Hainan, passing in sight of Champiloo, in lat. 18° N. at the entrance of the bay of Cochin China. Farther on he discovered the promontory of Pulocampas, whence the island of Hainan may be seen. To the west of this they found a river, up which Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, who discovered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town. On their return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The captain, supposing this might be Husseyn, took it; but learnt from an ancient Christian of Mount Sinai who was among the prisoners, that it belonged to a pirate named Quioy Tayjam, who had killed above an hundred Portuguese, and now lay hid in the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom were drawn from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found 60,000 quintals[358] of pepper, with a great deal of other spices, besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at 60,000 crowns; besides several good cannon, some valuable baggage, and silver. In the hold were nine children, the biggest only about nine years old, all loaded with irons, and starving of hunger.

Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some fishers of pearls, whom he used courteously. They told him that the island belonged to China. Hence he went to the river Tananquir, where he was suddenly attacked by two large vessels, both of which were taken after a long struggle in which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14 men belonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese. After a while they heard lamentable cries in the hold of one of these ships, in which 17 prisoners were found, two of whom were Portuguese. From one of these Antonio was informed that these vessels had belonged to Necoda Xicaulem, who, after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying a Portuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation. The booty in these two ships was valued at 50,000 crowns. One of the vessels was burnt, as Antonio had not a sufficient number of men to navigate her. In both vessels there were seventeen brass guns, most of which had the arms of Portugal.

Antonio anchored at Cape Tilaumere, where four vessels came up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and in one of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had engaged to meet her at that place with a like number of ships, owing to which they had come up to the Portuguese vessels. Three of these ships were taken, in one of which was the bride. Some of the seamen were retained, and all the others were set on shore. Antonio then went to Mutipinam, as a convenient place for selling his prizes; but as the governor of that city somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten it, and received in payment of the goods he had to dispose of to the value of 200,000 crowns in uncoined silver.

In the beginning of the year 1541, Antonio sailed in search of the port of Madel in the island of Hainan, and by the way took some prizes. Here he met with Hinymilau, a bold pirate and a great enemy to the Christians, whom he delighted to put to cruel deaths. With him they had a desperate engagement, and at last took him. He gave a bold account of the many cruelties he had practised upon the Portuguese, and was therefore immediately slain with four more. The prize was valued at 70,000 ducats. This action struck such terror into all who were in that river, that they sent a message to Antonio, calling him King of the Seas, offering him 30,000 crowns to take them under his protection, and desiring to have passes for their safe trading. He accepted the money and gave the passes, only for writing which his servant received 6000 crowns in the space of twelve days. So great a reputation had he acquired in these parts, that the governor of the city offered to make him admiral of those seas for the emperor of China, with a salary of 9000 crowns yearly. Antonio ran all along this coast without any remarkable occurrence, only that he saw many towns, none of which were large, and a fruitful country, and was informed that there were mines of silver, tin, saltpetre, and brimstone.

Being now weary of looking out for the pirate Husseyn, the soldiers demanded their shares of the prizes and to be discharged. This was agreed to, and their course was directed towards Siam; but by a furious storm they were cast away upon the Ladrones, where out of 500 men, only 86 got on shore naked, 28 of whom were Portuguese. At this place they were fifteen days with hardly anything to eat. While in utter despair, as the island was uninhabited, they discovered a small vessel making for the shore, where it cast anchor, and presently thirty Chinese landed, some of whom went to procure wood and water, while the others diverted themselves. Our men ran furiously and possessed themselves of the vessel and put to sea as quickly as possible. In this vessel they found only an old man and a child, but were quite delighted upon finding plenty of provisions and much silk.

Sailing for Xamoy in Liampo, they took another Chinese vessel and went to the island of Luxitay,[359] where they remained fifteen days refitting both vessels, and then proceeded on their voyage. On the coast of Lamau they discovered a large vessel having fifteen guns, which began to fire upon them as soon as within range; but on coming close it was observed to have several crosses and some men in Portuguese habits, on which they hailed each other, and the vessel was found to belong to Quiay Panjau, a Chinese and a great friend of the Portuguese, having thirty soldiers of that nation on board. He came on board of Antonio's vessel, bringing a present of amber, pearls, gold, and silver, worth 2000 ducats. Among other discourse, Antonio told him that he was bound for Liampo to furnish himself with necessaries, meaning to attempt the mines of Quamjaparu, where he was told he might get much treasure. Quiay Panjau offered to accompany him, demanding only a third part of what might be taken, which was agreed to.

They refitted at the river Ainay, and going from there to Chincheo, Faria hired 35 Portuguese whom he found at that place. Soon after putting again to sea he found eight Portuguese, almost naked and all wounded in a fishing-boat, who told him that the pirate Khojah Husseyn had taken their ship, worth 200,000 ducats, in the harbour of the isle of Cumbor, and that they had escaped with difficulty in that miserable condition. Faria was quite rejoiced to hear of that pirate, and immediately turned back eight leagues to Layloo to prepare for engaging him. He there changed his old vessels for new ones, and provided men, arms, and ammunition, paying generously for everything. In four vessels which he there fitted out he had 40 pieces of cannon, 160 muskets, 6000 darts, with abundance of other arms and ammunition, and a force of 500 men, 95 of whom were Portuguese.

In a day and a half sail from Layloo he came to the fisheries where those Portuguese had been robbed, and was informed by some fishermen that Husseyn was only at the distance of two leagues in the river Tinlau. To make quite sure, he sent a person to see if that were the case, and finding the information accurate he proceeded immediately to the place. The engagement began before daylight upon four ships belonging to the pirate, which were soon reduced to great straits, when four small vessels came up to their assistance. One of the Portuguese cannon was so well pointed that it sank the first of these at the first fire, and killed several men in another vessel. At length Antonio boarded Husseyn's vessel, and gave him such a cut over the head as struck him down on the deck, and by another stroke cut his hamstrings so that he could not rise. The pirates wounded Antonio in three places; but being succoured by his men the victory was complete, almost 400 of the enemy being slain or drowned by leaping overboard, while it cost 43 men on the side of Antonio, 8 of whom were Portuguese. Antonio immediately landed to bury his dead, and finding 96 men belonging to Husseyn in a house where they were left to be cured, he set the house on fire, and destroyed them all. He here restored the Portuguese ship to her owners, and gave liberty to all the slaves, as he vowed on going upon this enterprise, paying their masters the value. After all this generosity, the remaining booty was worth 100,000 crowns.

On the night after sailing from Tinlau so violent a storm arose that two of the ships were cast away, and most of the goods in the others had to be thrown overboard, to the value of 200,000 ducats. One hundred and eleven men were lost, eleven of whom were Portuguese. Thirteen men who escaped the shipwreck were carried prisoners to Nauday, where Faria came with the five remaining ships to anchor. He immediately offered 3000 crowns to the governor of the city for the liberty of the prisoners; and meeting with an unfavourable answer, he determined to liberate them by force. His men were fearful of the issue of so dangerous an enterprise; but he so encouraged them that they agreed. He had at this time, which was in the beginning of the year 1542, a force of 470 men in all, 60 of whom were Portuguese. Of these he chose 300 men to accompany him on shore. After sending another civil message to the governor, who answered by hanging the messenger, he landed with his small but resolute band.

While marching towards the city, 12,000 foot and 100 horse came out to meet him. His musketeers killed at least 300 of them, and pursued the rest to a bridge which led into the city. The governor was on the inside with 600 men, and defended the passage of the bridge till he was slain by a musket shot; immediately on which his men fled, and were pursued with great slaughter till they ran out at the opposite side of the city. The city was plundered, on which occasion he who even got least was enriched, after which the place was reduced to ashes. Having thus gloriously redeemed his prisoners, Antonio returned to his ships with many beautiful female captives, having only lost eight men, one of whom was a Portuguese.

Antonio now resumed his intended expedition for the mines, but in the first place went to pass the winter at Pulo Hindor, an inhabited island fifteen leagues from Nauday. When near the islands of Commolem, he was attacked by two large ships in which were 200 resolute men commanded by a pirate named Premata Gundel, a mortal enemy to the Portuguese, to whom he had done much harm, but thought now he had only to encounter Chinese merchant ships. One of the pirate ships came up to board one of those belonging to Antonio, but Qiay Panjau came up against her in full sail and ran so furiously upon the pirate ship that both went down instantly, but Quiay and most of his men were saved.

The other pirate ship, commanded by Premata in person, boarded Faria, who was in great danger of being taken, but was at length victorious and slew 90 of the enemy; then boarding in his turn, he put the whole to the sword. This action cost Antonio 17 men, 5 of whom were Portuguese, and above 40 were wounded, among whom Antonio himself had two great cuts and a thrust of a spear. The prize was valued at 120,000 ducats. After staying 20 days in the island of Buncalen to cure the wounded men, they steered for the gates of Liampo, which are two islands three leagues from the city of that name which was built by the Portuguese who there governed in the nature of a commonwealth.

Anchoring at the gates of Liampo, Antonio sent to ask leave to come into the port, when he received a courteous answer, praying him to wait six days till the inhabitants had prepared a house for his reception. On Sunday morning, the time being expired, he hoisted sail and went up the river accompanied by many boats sent to receive him, in which were 3000 of the citizens, who saluted him with the sound of musical instruments. About 200 ships then in the port were ranged in two lines forming a lane through which de Faria passed, all the cannons in the vessels and on shore firing a salute. Some Chinese who saw this magnificent reception asked whether this was a brother or near kinsman to the king of Portugal, and being answered he was only his smith's son, they concluded that Portugal must be the greatest kingdom in the world.

From his ship, Antonio was received into a barge shaded by a natural chestnut tree full of ripe fruit, and was seated on a silver chair raised on six steps adorned with gold, six beautiful maids richly clad standing on each side, who played and sang melodiously. When he landed on the quay, he was placed in a still richer chair on men's shoulders under a canopy, guarded by 60 halberdiers, and preceded by 16 men on fine horses, and before these eight with silver maces, all in splendid attire. In this manner he was conducted to a large scaffold covered with fine tapestry, where being placed in his chair of state, he received the compliments of the magistracy and principal inhabitants of the city. From the quay to the city, which was a considerable distance, there was a closely covered lane formed of chestnut, pine, and laurel trees, and the ground was strewed with flowers. And all the way, at regular distances, there were companies of dancers, and perfumes burning, with astonishing multitudes of people the whole way.

At the entrance into the city a temporary castle was built for the occasion, having the arms of the Faria family in front, being Sanguin, a tower argent; in base, a man torn in pieces. At this place he was received by a reverend old man, attended by four mace-bearers, and after some ceremonies the old man made a long speech in praise of the family, concluding with a panegyric on his own actions, and bidding him welcome to the city. The orator then offered him, in the name of the city, five chests full of silver in bars, worth twenty thousand pieces of eight, which he refused, saying he would endeavour to deserve in some measure the honours which were heaped on him. From thence he walked on foot, passing through many splendid arches, to the church of our Lady, where he assisted at mass under a canopy, and heard a sermon full of his own praises.

After this he was conducted by above 1000 Portuguese to a large open space before the house in which he was to reside, shaded by a variety of fine trees, the ground strewed with flowers and sweet herbs, where three long tables were splendidly decorated and richly covered with a sumptuous entertainment. When Antonio was seated, the whole multitude departed, except about 80 of the principal citizens who were to dine along with him, and 50 soldiers who attended, while the halberdiers stood at a distance to keep off the people. As soon as the company was seated, the music began to play, and eight beautiful maids came forwards playing on instruments and dancing, eight others being placed beside Antonio singing. The dishes were brought in by a number of fine women, and set upon the tables by men, the abundance and costliness of the entertainment being wonderful. After dinner the company adjourned to another place, where there was a bull-feast, with several wild horses among them, and at the death of each animal there followed dancing music and other entertainments.

De Faria continued here five months, entertained in great splendour, having dogs and horses to go a-hunting, as the environs abounded in game. The time being come for going to the mines of Quamgiparu, Quiay Panjau who was to have accompanied him thither was carried off by sickness. After this another Chinese named Similau dissuaded Antonio from attempting the adventure of the mines, as attended with too much difficulty and danger, and proposed to him to undertake an expedition to the island of Calempluy, in which were the tombs of the ancient kings of China, which were said to contain great treasures. To this Antonio gave ear, as covetousness had great sway even upon his generous mind. Happy had it been for him if he had returned to India, satisfied with the victories he had already achieved.

About the middle of May 1542, he set sail accompanied by Similau in two galliots with 146 men, 52 of whom were Portuguese, and among these the priest Diego Lubato. Next day they discovered the islands of Nangnitur, and then entered upon seas till then unknown by the Portuguese. Having crossed a gulf of 40 leagues, they discovered the high mountain of Nangalaci, and held on their course northwards. At the end of ten days they anchored in a river where they saw white people like the Chinese, but differing in language, and could never prevail to have any intercourse with them. After eight days sailing they entered the strait of Silcapaquim, in which they spent five days in sight of many populous towns. But this course appearing dangerous, they steered up the river Humbepadam by the advice of Similau, passing to the east of the mountain Fangus, and came thirteen days afterwards to the bay of Buxipalem in the latitude of 30°, which produces fish, serpents, and crocodiles of wonderous size, and many sea-horses.

Farther on they came to the bay of Calinclam, surrounded with high mountains, whence four great rivers fall into the sea. They next sailed under the great mountain Botinasora, abounding in lions, rhinoceroses, tigers, ounces, and other wild beasts, and then past Gangitanu, inhabited by the Gigahui, a wild gigantic people, some ten and some eleven spans high, of whom they saw fourteen of both sexes. They have good complexions, being white and red, but very ill-favoured features. Antonio gave them some procelain dishes and silk, for which they seemed thankful, and brought some cows and deer in return, but their language could not be understood.

At length they arrived in the bay of Nanking, and six days afterwards to the great city of Pamor, whose bay was almost hid under three thousand vessels. Fearing danger here they stood off and came to Tanquilem, where Similau and 36 Chinese seamen ran away for fear; because Antonio, weary of the voyage, and finding that Similau could give no good account of where they were, threatened to kill him. Similau was not indeed ignorant, but he was so terrified by the ill usage of the Portuguese that he knew not what he said, and they were afraid that either he knew not the coast or meant to betray them. It was a great error to believe him at Liampo, and to use him ill at Nanking where they had most need of him. In fine, the Portuguese gave themselves up for lost, not knowing where they were, till some of the natives informed them that they were only ten leagues from the island of Calempluy, on which they sore repented the ill usage they had given to Similau. Doubling Cape Guinaytarau, after a tedious voyage of two months and a half, they discovered the island of which they were in search in the middle of the river.

This island is quite plain and seemed four miles round. Next morning Antonio sailed round it in his galliots, and found it surrounded by a wall of jasper so closely built that it seemed all one stone. The wall rose 19 feet above the surface of the water, and was terrassed on the inside. On the top of the wall was a massy twist, on which was a brass rail, having little columns at regular distances, on which were the statues of women having balls in their hands, all likewise of brass. At some distance from these were figures of iron, of monstrous shapes, that seemed to give each other their hands; and further on were several curious arches of stones of various colours. On the inside there were afterwards seen a delightful assemblage of small groves of orange trees, among which were 366 chapels dedicated to the gods of the year. On one side was a great building, not all of a piece, but divided into seven parts, all over splendidly ornamented with gold.

In the evening Antonio entered the island by one of its eight gates, accompanied by sixty men, four of whom were Portuguese. On entering one of the chapels, they saw a man who seemed an hundred years of age, who fell down with fear; but, on recovering, rebuked the soldiers for taking the bars of silver from the tombs. Having received information of what was in the other chapels, Antonio went on board with a considerable quantity of silver taken from the first chapel, meaning to return next day to plunder them all. About midnight, lights were seen on the top of the great building, and numbers of bell were heard all over the island. Antonio went again on shore, though advised to make off, as the alarm was given.

He brought away two old men with some candlesticks and a silver idol, and was informed that the island would soon be relieved, as the first hermit had given the alarm; on which Antonio found that he had erred in not bringing away that old man as he was advised. He departed therefore from the island, much dissatisfied at having missed the acquisition of so much treasure by his own fault. After sailing a month, there arose so great a storm on the 5th of August, that his galliot was swallowed up. The other galliot perished a few days afterwards, and only fourteen of the crew escaped. Thus perished the brave Antonio de Faria; a just judgment, doubtless, for the sacrilegious robbery he intended to have committed.

No less unfortunate was the end of the city of Liampo, where Antonio had been so nobly received, falling a sacrifice to the base and insatiable avarice of its inhabitants. Lancelot Pereyra, judge of that city, having lost a thousand ducats by some Chinese, went out with a body of troops to rob and plunder others in satisfaction of the debt. This unadvised and barbarous procedure brought the governor of the province against the city with 80,000 men, and in four hours burnt it to the ground, together with 80 ships that were in the port. Twelve thousand men were slain, among whom were 1000 Portuguese, and three millions of gold were lost. Thus scarce any thing was left of Liampo but the name; and thus what the Portuguese gained by their valour was lost by their covetousness. Liampo had above three thousand catholic inhabitants, almost the half of whom were Portuguese. Those who survived this cruel execution obtained leave in 1547, by great presents, to settle in the province of Chincheo, in a village which began to flourish in consequence of a rich trade, but it came to the same end with the other.

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[Footnote 354: De Faria, II. 29 & seq.]
[Footnote 355: Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is in lat. 8° 40' N. perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographical error.--E.]
[Footnote 356: Possibly Luzon in lat. 16° N. may be here meant. Unless we can suppose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in the latitude of the text--E.]
[Footnote 357: This strange oracular message, and indeed most of the wonderful deeds of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of Mendez de Pinto, the factor of Pedro de Faria, who has been characterised as the prince of liars. Indeed the editor of Astley's Collection says that his name ought to be Mendax de Pinto.--E.]
[Footnote 358: This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a gross error. The quantity in the text is equal to 3500 tons.--E.]
[Footnote 359: The names in this strange relation of the adventures of Antonio de Faria are so extremely corrupt as to defy even conjectural commentary.--E.]

 

Volume 6, Chapter 4, Section 3 -- Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from 1542 to 1543.

In the year 1542, but whether under the government of De Gama or De Sousa is uncertain, Antonio de Mota, Francisco Zeymoto, and Antonio Peixoto, while on a voyage to China, were driven by a storm among the islands of Nipongi or Nijon, called Gipon by the Chinese, and known in Europe by the name of Japan. They were well received in one of these islands, of which they had the honour to be the first discoverers, though accidentally. These islands of Japan are far to the eastward of all India, being even beyond China, and lie between the latitudes of 30° and 40° N.[360] These islands are numerous, the principal and largest island being that peculiarly called Niphon, Nifon, Nipongi, or Japan, which gives the name to the group, and in which is the city of Meaco, the imperial residence. According to the natives this principal island is 366 leagues in length, but by our computation only 266.[361] The chief islands around the large one are Cikoko, Toksosi, Sando, Sisime Bacasa, Vuoki, Taquixima or Takishima, and Firando.[362]

Fernan Mendez Pinto in his Travels assumes the merit of this discovery to himself; pretending that he came to the island of Tanixima, by which I suppose he meant Taquixima, not by stress of weather, but by design, in the service of a pirate who had relieved him and his companions when cast away, naming Christopher Borallo and Diego Zeymoto as those who accompanied him. In both relations three names are mentioned as the discoverers of Japan, one only, Zeymoto, being the same in both; and both agree in the date of the discovery being in 1542. According to Pinto, the prince of the island of Tanixima was named Nautaquim, who stood amazed on seeing the three Portuguese strangers, and uttered the following mysterious words: "These are certainly the Chinchicogies, spoken of in our records; who, flying over the waters, shall come to be lords of the lands where God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will be fortunate for us if they come as friends!"

The first action of the new governor De Sousa was to diminish the pay of the soldiers. The saving of charges is a great means of gaining the favour of princes; yet ministers never express their zeal by retrenching their own large allowances, but by cutting off the small ones from the poor; and, as was natural, this alteration occasioned much discontent among the troops. At this time the queen of Batecala, a well-built city on the banks of a river, on the coast of Canara, in a fertile country, refused to pay her tribute, and entertained pirates in her port to the great prejudice of trade; on which account De Sousa went with 2000 men in 60 vessels of different kinds to reduce her to obedience.

On entering the port of Batecala where he demanded payment of the tribute, and that the pirate ships should be delivered up, the queen endeavoured to procrastinate till such time as she knew it would be necessary for the governor to retire with his armament to Cochin. But being aware of this artifice, the governor landed with 1200 men in two battalions, and ordered twenty light vessels to go up the river to attack the city on that side, while he assailed it on the land side. While marching through a wood, the governor was opposed by a body of musketeers; but his troops drove them to the gates of the city, which they entered along with the fugitives, in spite of every opposition from the enemy who were encouraged by the queen in person.

It was night when the Portuguese got possession of the city; and in the morning they began to plunder, not even sparing the Portuguese who were settled there. They even fell out among themselves, and came to blows, in which all were hurt and none enriched. The enemy noticed this contention among the Portuguese from a neighbouring hill to which they had retired, and endeavoured to take advantage of this circumstance, by discharging incessant flights of arrows into the town. On receiving orders from De Sousa to march against the enemy, the discontented troops exclaimed, "That the rich gentry might march if they would; but that they only came to make up by plunder for the pay of which they had been unjustly deprived."

Gracia de Sa went out against the enemy with a few lances; but after several charges, almost the whole of the Portuguese shamefully took to flight, endeavouring in such haste to reimbark that several were drowned in the confusion. Indignant at this cowardice, the governor reproached them as not being the same brave men he had left in India only two years before. To this they answered, thinking he meant it as a reflection on his predecessor, "That the men were the same, but the governor was changed; and that this was the fruit of lessening their pay, to enable him to give gratuities to those who knew better how to beg favours than to deserve them." De Sousa retired to the ships for the night, but landed next day, when he utterly destroyed the city and surrounding country with fire and sword, and made all the woods be cut down.[363] Unable any longer to resist, the queen purchased peace by submitting to a heavier subjection than before.

The king of Ormuz had fallen into arrears of life tribute, and was due [[to pay]] 500,000 ducats, which he was unable to pay; for the tribute had been successively raised from 12,000 ducats originally imposed by Albuquerque, to 100,000, so that from a tributary he became a slave, not having even a competent maintenance remaining. Finding him unable to discharge the debt, De Sousa proposed to him to make over the customs of Ormuz to the Portuguese, which he agreed to, that he might get rid of the oppression. But the Persians soon afterwards deprived them of this source of revenue, which they had unjustly appropriated to themselves.

In the year 1544, De Sousa fitted out a fleet of 45 sail, in which were embarked 3000 seamen and soldiers. The design of this armament was kept a profound secret, which was to rob the pagoda of Tremele, 12 miles inland from St. Thomas of Meliapour, in the kingdom of Bisnagar, for which express orders had been given by King John, under pretence that India was wasted, as if any pretence could justify robbery. The design was however discovered, or as others say it was disappointed by contrary winds. Yet the governor was persuaded to plunder other pagodas, where it was thought there were equal riches. By the way, he sent a message to the king of Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, commanding him either to become tributary to the crown of Portugal, or to prepare for opposing the armament. The king agreed to pay 4000 ducats yearly, glad to get off so easily. A king called Grande near Cape Comorin, being in fear of the Portuguese, sent a present to the governor.

De Sousa proceeded to a pagoda named Tebelicate,[364] near Calecoulam, although the Portuguese were at peace with the king of that country, and went into it with a small number of his confidants, whence they brought out two casks so heavy that they loaded many men. These casks were reported to contain water, though some affirmed that it was gold and jewels; but the truth was never known. It has been alleged by some writers that nothing was found but a golden vessel worth 4000 crowns, in which the idol used to be bathed, and which was ordered to be restored by the king of Portugal, who was much displeased at the conduct of De Sousa on this occasion; as if it were a greater crime to rob the pagoda of Tebilicare without orders, than that of Tremele with orders.

While the Portuguese were returning to their ships, the town and pagoda were set on fire, and they were attacked in a narrow defile by 200 Nayres, who killed 30 of them; but on getting into the open field, the Nayres were put to flight. No danger terrifies avarice. The Portuguese went on to another pagoda, from which a chest was brought out and opened publicly, and some silver money which it contained was distributed among the troops; but of so small account, that many believed the liberality was owing to that circumstance.

De Sousa was obliged to return in all haste to Goa, owing to the following circumstance, communicated to him by a message from Don Garcia de Castro. Aceda Khan, lord of the lands around Goa, intending to depose Adel Khan, prevailed on Don Garcia by means of presents to deliver up to him Meale Khan the brother of Adel Khan, pretending that he held the kingdom wrongfully. This gave just cause of complaint to Adel Khan, and occasioned considerable danger to the Portuguese. The governor listened to the arguments and offers of both sides; but inclined more to favour Aceda Khan, who offered to cede the kingdom of Concan, giving a revenue of about a million, then possessed by Abraham, a good man and a friend of the Portuguese.

As this territory was very valuable, particularly from its neighbourhood to Goa, the governor declared in favour of Meale Khan, and prepared to possess himself of the Concan which was offered by Aceda Khan. This was a notorious act of injustice; and as De Sousa was naturally of a haughty disposition, none of his officers dared to remonstrate; but Pedro de Faria, then four-score years of age, trusting to his quality and the great offices he had held, repaired late one night to the governor's tent, and prevailed upon him to desist from so unjust an undertaking. Next day the governor abandoned his design, pretending various reasons of delay, and returned to Goa, carrying Meale Khan along with him.

At this time Aceda Khan died, who was the contriver of this discord, and Adel Khan descended the Gaut mountains with a powerful army to reduce the rebels, recovering possession of the Concan in a few days. But as Adel Khan was still fearful of Meale Khan, he offered the lands of Salsete and Bardez to De Sousa, on condition of delivering him up; which were valued at 50,000 ducats of yearly revenue. De Sousa refused to give up this man who had confided in him for protection; but offered, if put in possession of these districts, that he would remove Meale to some place where he could give no disturbance to Adel Khan. These conditions were agreed to and performed by Adel Khan, but evaded by De Sousa, who sent Meale to Cananor and brought him back to Goa. Some alleged that this was done to overawe Adel Khan, while others said it was meant as a bait to extort presents; and it was certain that some were actually sent.

In this treaty, Adel Khan had agreed that De Sousa was to be put into possession of the vast treasures which had been left by the rebel Aceda Khan, said to amount to ten millions of ducats, and which at his death had fallen into the hands of Khojah Zemaz-oddin, who persuaded De Sousa that it was only one million, and delivered that sum to him. Adel Khan afterwards gave notice to De Sousa of the vast fraud which had been used in the pretended delivery of the treasure; but all his efforts to secure the defaulter were in vain.

Sultan Mahmud, sovereign of Cambaya or Guzerat, was desirous of recovering possession of the castle built by the Portuguese at Diu, and of freeing himself by that means from the trammels which had been thrown in the way of the trade of his dominions. In the late treaty between him and the Portuguese, it had been stipulated, with the consent of the viceroy Don Garcia, that the government of Cambaya might erect a wall between the city of Diu and the castle. This wall was accordingly commenced; but as Emanuel de Sousa, who commanded in the castle of Diu, considered that the wall now building was of a very different description from a mere boundary, as intended in the treaty, and appeared to be destined for hostile purposes, he drove away the workmen, threw down the wall, and made use of the materials for strengthening the defences of the castle. Mahmud was highly offended at this procedure, and at the instigation of his great minister Khojah Zofar, he secretly used every possible means to stir up enemies to the Portuguese, endeavouring to form an union of the Indian princes to expel them not only from Diu but from all India.

In the course of this year 1544, the great Khan of the Tartars invaded China and besieged Peking with a prodigious army, amounting to millions of men. A large detachment from this vast army, among which were 60,000 horse, was sent against the city of Quamsi, which was plundered, and an immense number of the inhabitants put to the sword. While on his return with this part of the army, Nauticor the Tartar general attempted to reduce the fortress of Nixiancoo, but was repulsed with the loss of 3000 men, on which he was disposed to desist from the enterprise, deeming the place impregnable. Among the prisoners taken at Quamsi were nine Portuguese, one of whom named George Mendez made offer to the Tartar general to put him on a plan for gaining the fortress of Nixiancoo, on condition that he and his companions were restored to liberty.

The general agreed to his proposal, and gained the fort by the advice of Mendez, with the slaughter of 2000 Chinese and Moguls. In pursuance of his promise, the general obtained the liberty of the Portuguese from his sovereign, but prevailed on Mendez to continue in his service by a pension of 6000 ducats. The Tartar emperor was constrained to raise the siege of Peking and retire to Tuymican, his residence in Tartary, after having closely invested the metropolis of China for almost seven months, with the loss of 450,000 men, mostly cut off by pestilence, besides 300,000 that deserted to the Chinese.

In 1545, Martin Alfonso de Sousa became exceedingly dissatisfied with his situation as governor-general in India, being threatened on every side by a combination of the native princes, and having no adequate means of defence either in men or money. Only a few days before the arrival of his successor, he declared to Diego Silveyra, who was going to sail for Portugal, that if the king did not immediately send out a successor, he would open the patents of succession, and resign the government to whoever he might find nominated for that purpose. He was soon afterwards relieved by Don Juan de Castro, whose journal of the expedition into the Red Sea we have laid before our readers in the preceding chapter, and who arrived at Goa in August or September 1545, to assume the government of India.

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[Footnote 360: More rigidly from lat. 31° 28' to 40° 80' N. and between the longitudes of 127° 47' and 142° 33' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 361: Meaning probably a different denomination of measure. The island of Niphon measures 824 English miles in extreme length, from S.W. to N.E. in a somewhat bent line. Its breadth varies from 55 to 240 miles, averaging about 100; but it is extremely irregular, owing to many deep bays and considerable peninsulae. Jedo is now the capital and residence of the temporal sovereign, Meaco of the once spiritual sovereign, now reduced to chief priest of the national religion.--E.]
[Footnote 362: The only islands of magnitude besides Niphon, are Kiusiu, which does not appear to have any representative in the text, and Sicocf, probably the Cikoko of De Faria. The other numerous islands are of little importance, and several of the names in the text cannot be referred to any of the islands. Firando and Taquixima remain unchanged, and the others cannot be traced.--E.]
[Footnote 363: The cutting down of the woods mentioned in the text, probably refers to cocoa nut trees, on which the natives of the coast of India appear to have greatly depended for food.--E.]
[Footnote 364: Called afterwards Tebilicare.]