Volume 8, Chapter 10, Section 4 -- Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by Captain William Keeling.[156]
INTRODUCTION.
In this voyage three ships were employed, with about 310 men; the Dragon, admiral, Captain Keeling, who was chief commander or general; the Hector, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Hawkins; and the Consent, Captain David Middleton. The relation of the voyage, as appears from its title in Purchas, was written by Keeling, the chief commander or general, or, as he would now be called, the commodore: But by a side-note, Purchas informs us that he had abbreviated the narrative from the journals written at sea, by Captains Keeling and Hawkins, which were very voluminous, occupying a hundred sheets of paper, and that he had only retained the most necessary observations for sea and land affairs.
The editor of Astley's Collection observes, "That this narrative is written very obscurely, in an abrupt, uncouth style, which he thinks Purchas ought to have reformed when abridging it. The author seems to have kept no regular journal, but only to have entered such things from time to time as seemed most material. In many places it consists only of loose imperfect hints, thrown together without connection, and often referring to things not mentioned before. Possibly these defects may have been owing to Purchas, in order to abbreviate the journal; and indeed, whether from want of care or judgment, he spoiled almost every thing he abridged. It contains, however, many valuable nautical remarks, and many particulars respecting the conduct of the Dutch, who now began to lord it in India, which may atone for its defects. If the dryness of some of the details may disgust any of our readers, we hope they will consider that our design is to give a series of _the English Voyages_; and in so doing to steer equally between the two extremes of redundance and imperfection."[157]
Purchas remarks punningly in a side-note, "That the Consent held no concent with the Dragon and Hector." Her voyage will be found in the sequel of this section, with, several other articles connected with it, which have not been noticed in Astley's Collection, and which appeared necessary to elucidate the early commercial connections of England with India, and the manners and customs of the eastern nations. We have endeavoured to amend the uncouth and abrupt style of Purchas, but it was impossible to clear up his obscurities; and in many instances we have abbreviated or lopped off redundancies and unimportant particulars.--E.
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§ 1. Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, forcing them back to Sierra Leona; with Occurrences till leaving Saldanha Bay.
By the 1st of April, 1607, the Dragon and Hector had reached the Downs. After passing the line in the beginning of June, and getting four or five degrees to the southwards, we were so crossed by gusts, calms, rains, and sickness, as to be constrained to return northwards. Missing the island of Fernando Noronha, I consulted on the 30th July with the master, named Taverner, who thought we must return for England; but Sierra Leona being mentioned, of which place I had formerly read good accounts, I sent for the book,[158] and both Mr Taverner and myself took a liking to the place. Our company being very much diseased, and being exceedingly in want of water, with no hopes of getting to Fernando Noronha, I called a council, and after dinner desired their opinion what was fittest to be done. They were all of opinion that we could not stand any longer to the south, for many reasons; and, demanding their opinions in regard to a watering-place, Churchman, Savage, and Taverner, proposed Mayo; Earming, Pockham, Molineux, and my master, preferred Sierra Leona for many causes, which likewise was my own opinion, wherefore we concluded to make for Sierra Leona, with which determination I acquainted the crews, to their very great comfort.
On the morning of the 4th August, we saw many flowers, a strong sign of approaching land, and towards evening had ground in from 20 to 16 fathoms, yet saw no land. By means of our skiff, I set the current to the S.E. at the rate of two miles each watch. The 5th we steered all morning eastwards, and E. by S., having from 30 to 20 and 10 fathoms, and still no land to be seen. The greatest depth was on an oose bottom, the least a coarse yellow sand. About nine o'clock we espied land, bearing N.E. about 8 leagues distant, being a round hummock of middling height. By noon we were in latitude 7° 56' N., having steered all day east, sometimes half a point north or south, as our water deepened or shoaled, for we would sometimes have ten fathoms or more one cast, and the next seven fathoms, the ground being full of pits, believing that we were upon the edge of the shoals of Santa Anna, otherwise called Madera bomba. In the afternoon we had 9, 10, 11, and 12 fathoms. The first-seen land proved to be Ilha Verde, a very round land, and a very notable mark for any ship bound for Sierra Leona from the southwards.
About seven p.m. we anchored in 20 fathoms on hard sand, the south part of Ilha Verde, bearing E., and the Cape of Sierra Leona, which is a low point, N. by E. about eight leagues distant. But the land over the cape is very high, and may be seen fifteen leagues off in clear weather. About six next morning we made sail for the road, and had not less than 16, 15, 10, and 9 fathoms, till we ranged north and south with the rocks which lie about 1-1/2 miles west of Cape Sierra Leona; and when one mile from the nearest shore we had seven fathoms, good shoaling between us and the rock. Immediately when past the rock we had 20 fathoms, and shoaled to 18, 16, 12, and 10 fathoms all the way into the roads, keeping very near the south shore; for a sand lies about two miles from the north shore, or a league from the south shore, and upon it the sea continually breaks. We came to anchor in ten fathoms on good ground, the point of Sierra Leona bearing W. by N., the north point of the bay N. by W., and the sand or breaker N.N.E.
In the afternoon we were waved by some men on shore, to whom I sent my boat, which, leaving two hostages, brought off four negroes, who promised us refreshments. My skiff sounded between our anchorage and the breakers, finding fair shoaling, with two fathoms water within two boats length of the breach, or sand on which the sea breaks. All the previous observations of the variation, since our coming from 2° N. latitude to this place, proved erroneous; for to each distance, having reference to any meridian eastwards, there must be added 30 leagues, and from such as referred to western meridians, 30 leagues must be subtracted; for it appeared, by our falling in with the land, that the ship was so much more westerly than we supposed; myself, notwithstanding this error, being as much, if not more westerly than any of the mariners. Yet every man must trust to his own experience; for instruments may deceive, even in the hands of the most skilful.
The 7th August, some negroes of a superior appearance came aboard in my boat, for whom, as for all others, we had to leave one of our men in hostage for every two of them. These men made signs that I should send some men up the country, and they would stay as hostages. I accordingly sent Edward Bradbury, and my servant, William Cotterell, with a present to the captain, or chief, consisting of one coarse shirt, three feet of a bar of iron, a few glass beads, and two knives. They returned towards night, and brought me from the captain, one small gold ear-ring, worth some eight or nine shillings; and as it was late, the hostages remained all night on board without any one in pawn for them. I sent my boat, and brought off five tons of water, very good, and easily come by.
I went ashore on the 11th, when the people came to us, accompanied by their women, yet feared we might carry them away. We got plenty of lemons very cheap, as they gave us 200 for a penny knife. The 18th I bought an elephant's tooth of 63 pounds weight, for five yards of blue calico, and seven or eight pounds of bar iron. The 15th, in an hour and a half, we took six thousand excellent small fish, called cavallos. That afternoon we bought two or three thousand lemons at the village. It rained so much at this place, that we esteemed it a dry day when we had three hours of fair weather. The 16th I allowed our weekly workers to go on shore with me for recreation. In our walk we saw not above two or three acres sown with rice, the surface of the ground being mostly a hard rock. The 16th and 17th were quite fair, and on the latter I caused a quantity of lemon water to be made.
The 20th, John Rogers returned and brought me a present of a piece of gold in form of a half-moon, worth five or six shillings. He reported the people to be peaceable, the chief without state, the landing to be two leagues up the river, and the chief's village eight miles from the landing. The 22d I went on shore, and made six or seven barricos full of lemon juice; having opened a firkin of knives belonging to the company, wherewith to buy limes. The afternoon of the 7th September we went all on shore, to try if we could shoot an elephant; when we shot seven or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, as appeared by his track; but night coming on, we had to go on board without effecting our purpose.
The best road and watering-place is the fourth bay to the east of Cape Sierra Leona. The tide where we rode flowed W.S.W. and the highest water upon a spring tide was at the least 12 feet. I made no observation of the sun in this road, neither aboard nor on shore, though I proposed to have so done several times; but the master made the road where we lay 8° 36' N. Cape Sierra Leona being west, a league or four miles off. He also made the variation 1° 50' eastwards; but my instrument was out of order, and I had not time to put it in repair.
We weighed from Sierra Leona the 14th September, with the wind all easterly; but it soon fell calm, and we drove to the north, but drifted again S.W. by S. with the ebb, and when the flood again made, we anchored in 15-1/2 fathoms. Cape Sierra Leona bearing N.E. by E. about seven leagues off. We had not less than ten fathoms all this day. The 16th we found the current setting N. by W.
The 17th December, about two p.m. we saw land, being the Table at Saldanha, and bore up towards it till three, when I ordered the master to steer E.S.E. and S.E. by E. to double the cape; but as all the people, sick and sound, desired to put into Saldanha bay, we bore up for it, and came to anchor about noon [next day] in 5-1/2 fathoms, the W. point bearing W.N.W., the island N.N.E., and the sugar-loaf S.W. As soon as we were anchored I sent on shore, when there was found engraven on a rock, Captain Middleton, of the Consent, 24th July, 1607. I went on shore the 21st; and bought 120 sheep, 12 bullocks, and two calves, of which I allowed a proportional share to the Hector. This market continued several days, in which we bought much cattle, paying in all 200 iron hoops for 450 sheep, 46 cows, 10 steers, 9 calves, and one bull.
§ 2. Departure from Saldanha, and Occurrences till the Ships parted Company.
By sun-rise of the first January, 1608, both vessels were under sail, and by six p.m. were ten leagues west-southerly[159] from the south point of the bay of Saldanha. The 19th we shipped much sea at the helm port, and at the hole abaft in my gallery, about two hours after midnight, which wet some of our bales of cloth. We were then in lat. 35° 22' S. [I allow thirteen leagues S.S.E. wind E.N.E. and N.E. six leagues drift S. and three leagues N.E. wind all westerly.[160]] Our too great quantity of Kintledge goods occasions our ship to labour greatly, which the company must have special care of on another voyage. The 20th I carefully aired and dried our cloth, oiled the fire-arms and sword blades belonging to the company, strengthened the packing cases, &c. This afternoon, contrary to expectation, and to the astonishment of all our mariners, we saw land bearing N.N.W. about twelve leagues off, being in the lat. of 34° S. If I had not had dear experience of the strong westerly current in my last voyage, I likewise had admired [[=would have been surprised at]] this; yet I am more westerly in my reckoning than any, having doubted the currents for causes before noted; being by reckoning 100 leagues more easterly than the sight of land warranted.
The 17th of February we saw land, bearing E. about eight leagues from us, and, as I judged, in lat. 24° 20' S. About noon we were athwart two small islands, which seemed to make a good road; but not being sure of our latitude, we stood off and on till high noon, when we might take an observation, having no ground with 60 fathom's line within two miles of the shore. The 18th, in lat. 23° 37' we anchored in 71/2 fathoms' sandy ground, the two islands bearing S.W. one mile distant. There was an island E. by N. from us about three leagues off, which the master supposed to be St. Augustine, for which we proposed to search. The variation here was 15° 30'. The 19th we weighed in the morning, when we broke one of our anchors, through an original defect; which surely deserves much blame, but for which I refer to a certificate I made on the subject. We now steered for the seeming harbour or bay of St. Augustine, having from our former anchorage in sailing towards it, from ten to twelve and twenty fathoms; and on coming near the point of the bay, we had no ground with 100 fathoms, till we came far into the bay, our skiffs going before, and then had ground at thirty, shoaling to eight fathoms. We anchored in eighteen fathoms, and laid out another anchor in forty fathoms, the deepest water being on the south shore, the other being made shallow by the coming down of rivers. The land bore W. by S. and N. from our anchorage, and to the north are certain shoals on which the sea breaks, so that it was only open to five points of the wind; but the road is very full of pits and deep water, and a strong stream runs always down from the river.
Captain Hawkins came on board me and, as I was very unwell, I sent him ashore with the boats of both ships. He returned on board towards night, without having seen any people, though their tracks were quite recent in several places. He left some beads and other trifles in a canoe, to allure the natives. In his opinion we had small chance here of any refreshments; but my fishers from the other side of the bay told me of having seen great store of beasts' bones, and bones certainly have once had flesh. George Evans, one of the Hector's men, was severely bitten by an alegarta [alligator]. I gave orders to fill our water casks with all speed, and propose in the mean time to seek for refreshment. The tide flows here nearest east,[161] and rises high. The 21st we saw four natives, to whom I sent some beads and other baubles, making them understand by signs that we were in want of cattle, when they promised in the same manner to bring plenty next day. Seeing people on shore next day, I went a-land, and found them a subtle people, strong-built and well-made, almost entirely naked, except a cloth of bark carelessly hung before them. We bought a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, but they would only deal for silver. In the afternoon I rowed up the river, which I found shallow and brackish. The 24th we bought three kine, two steers, and four calves, which cost us about nineteen shillings and a few beads. These cattle have far better flesh than those we got at Saldanha, and have bunches of flesh on their shoulders, like camels, only more forward. Some affirmed that the people were circumcised. We here found the beautiful beast.[162]
Where we rode at anchor the water by the ship's side was very fresh at high water, and very salt at low water, contrary to what might have been expected; and at high water it was very fresh on one side of the ship, and very salt on the other. In a gust of wind at N.W. on the 25th, our ship drifted and broke a cable, by which we lost the anchor. We bought this day a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, the sheep having a great tail; all three costing us 2s. 3d. I found certain spiders, whose webs were as strong as silk. All along the low land from E. to W about half a mile from the shore, there runs a ledge of rocks on which the sea continually breaks, between which and the shore are two fathoms water, wonderfully full of fish, and having a fine beach on which to haul the nets.
The 28th in the morning we got under sail to put to sea. This bay of St. Augustine is a very unfit place for ships to touch at for refreshments, as these are to be had only in small quantities; and the bay is very untoward for riding at anchor, the water being deep and pitty and the ground foul, as appeared by cutting our cable. By the 15th March we had only got into lat. 15° 40' S. and I knew not what course to take to get out of the current, which was very swift setting to the south, as keeping mid-channel may endanger us upon Jn. de Nova;[163] and in keeping near shore God knows what danger may befall, as it is indiscreet to continue where the wind does not stem the current. The 17th we were in lat. 14° 57' S., so that we have got 25 leagues farther north, and the main power of the current seems now lessened. My master is of opinion that the age of the moon may have peculiar influence over the currents, causing them to be strong till three or four days after the full; but I rather think that the deep bay between Cape Corientes and Mozambique causes an in-draught or eddy of some stream or current, coming either from the N.E. or more easterly, and entering the channel of Mozambique at the N.W. of Madagascar, and so along the land to Cape Corientes; or else the stream from the N.W. of Madagascar, meeting with the land of Mozambique, may be drawn that way by the falling in of the land. If this supposition be true, we committed an error in falling in with the land till we had got to the north of Mozambique point, which bends far into the sea.[164]
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"Their sailing along the islands, and trucking at Tamara, with other occurrences, I have left out, as being more fully known by later experience. Leaving Abdalcuria they were forced to ride in Delisa road to the north of Socotora, till the monsoon freed them; at which time Captain Keeling set sail for Bantam with the Dragon, and Captain Hawkins in the Hector for Surat, as shall after follow."[165]
§ 3. Instructions learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon, from the Moors and Guzerates; with the Arrival of the Dragon at Bantam.
The Moors of Delisa affirm that pieces of ambergris are some years found weighing 20 quintals, and so large that many men may take shelter under their sides without being seen. This is upon the coast of Mombaza, Magadoxa, Pata, Brava, &c., which indeed are all one coast. From Delisa they make yearly voyages to the Comora islands to buy slaves; and they report that the natives there are very treacherous, having sometimes slain fifty persons by treason; for which reason they trade always afloat, and do not venture ashore. They affirmed that eight Hollanders had been three or four years in Pemba, two of whom had become Mahometans. According to their reckoning the southern monsoon begins yearly on the 1st May, the extremity of it continuing 100 days, and the most wind being in June and July. On the 10th August the south wind diminishes; and soon after the wind comes from the north, with much rain, and so continues for three or four months more. At this time they make most of the aloes on the island, being the juice of an evergreen, put into goats skins and dried.
The 23d May I sent on shore to weigh aloes, and received on board 1250 pounds, which cost 250 dollars, for the company. We bought in all 1833 pounds neat. The chief sent to borrow 500 dollars, which I refused to lend, but sent him two yards of fine coloured kersey, and a knife of my own. I sent again on shore, and bought 575 pounds of aloes for 115 dollars.
The 24th I was informed that the west monsoon began in this year on the 30th April, coming every year eleven days later; so that in thirty-three years they begin again on the same day of the month, which I conceive cannot be true.[166] I was farther informed, that the east monsoon will begin this year on the 13th October, both monsoons falling yearly eleven days later. They have only two monsoons yearly. That this year, called Neyrooze,[167] begins with the first of the east monsoon. The west monsoon here blows all south, and the east monsoon all north. After the 20th September, ships cannot depart from the Red Sea to the eastward. Chaul, Dabul, and Danda Rajipuri are good and safe ports, and rich trading towns on the coast of India. At Saada, Ilbookie, Anzoane, and Mootoo,[168] four of the Comora islands, there is abundance of cheap rice, and the people are good. Inghezeegee and Malala,[169] two others of the Comoras, have very little rice, and the people are very treacherous; and they report that about sixteen years ago an English ship lost many men by treachery on that island, which surely was James Lancaster in Raimond's voyage.[170]
We were farther informed, that this day, 26th May, 1608, was the 224th from the Neyrooze, or new-year's-day, according to their account: That there is no rain on the coast of Arabia till the 70th day of this monsoon: That the 305th day from Neyrooze is the best time for going to Surat; and that in ten or twelve days they get to that port. Burrom, Mekella, and Cayxem [Keyshem, Kashin, Kasseen, Kassin, or Kushem], on the coast of Arabia, are good harbours for shelter in both monsoons; but are places of no trade. Xael or Xaer[171] has no harbour or road for any season, yet might be a vent for iron or lead. This place is commanded by a Turkish Aga, and they send thence for commodities to Keyshem, a day's journey to the west; but there is no going there at this season. In both monsoons there is a very heavy sea on the coast of Arabia, and the currents there set along with the wind. There is no riding at anchor at the entrance to Surat, so as to have shelter in the west monsoons, both on account of bad ground, and because the tides run with such rapidity as to overset ships that are not aground. This road of Delisa is very safe in the west monsoon; but only two miles either east or west it continually blows so strong that no ship can ride. I can give no reason for this, unless that the distance of the high mountains produce this remarkable difference, as there is much low ground between us and them.
We departed from Delisa on the 24th June, 1608; and on the 23rd July we saw an island, and about noon two more, in lat. 4° 2' S. We left two of these to the north and one to the south of our course; the most northerly being a large high island full of trees. Between the two southermost of these three islands, ten leagues distant, and halfway between them, there is a dangerous reef of rocks, to avoid which we steered through a very good passage within two leagues of the middle island, the reef being then to the south, about three leagues from us, and is very dangerous for ships going through by night. There seemed a likeness of a passage through between the middle island and the northermost, but it was not a league broad. The southern island is the largest of the three.[172]
The 26th July we were halfway between Priaman and Tecu, about three leagues from the shore, the two hummocks of Tecu, with high land over them, bearing N. by W. and S. by E. half a point east. There is a shoal four miles from shore, bearing N. and S. with the high land of Tecu. We had here 45 fathoms water 2-1/2 leagues from shore, being then N.E. by E. from the road of Priaman. In the afternoon we got into the road of Priaman, and saluted the town with five guns.
The governor of the town sent me a goat, and I sent him in return three yards of stammel cloth, one piece of blue calico, a stocked musket, a musket-barrel, and two sword blades. The messenger spoke good Portuguese, to whom I gave a piece of blue calico. He was accompanied by a person of Acheen, with whom I conversed in Arabic, and by whom I had great hope of trade. I went ashore early on the 29th, and going to the governor's house, he presented me with a buffalo, and appointed some of his chief men to make the price of pepper with me. Sitting down with about sixty of these men, they first proposed that the pepper should be weighed in town, while I insisted that it should be weighed in the island. They demanded fifty dollars the bahar, which much displeased me, as the Acheen man had desired me only to offer sixteen: But that was his craft, for he was a merchant, and wished to have engrossed much pepper before I bought, and then to have re-sold it to me at his own price. After much time and many words, we agreed at 22-1/2 dollars the bahar, besides six per centum custom. I at first refused to pay two other customs, or exactions rather, the one of 160 dollars, and the other not much less; but at length I consented, and writings were drawn up between us. During the last night a man lay on board my ship who spoke Portuguese, who offered, in the name of the widow of the former governor, calling her queen, to give me half the town if I would help her in taking it from the present governor. But I refused any interference, as not answerable for my sovereign, and sent him on shore. I this day sold cloth to Nakhada[173] for 159 masses of gold.
The town and bounds of Priaman do not yield above 500 bahars of pepper yearly; but, with the parts adjoining, as Passaman, Tecu, Beroose, and the mountains over the town, there are gathered about 2500 bahars yearly, which quantity will load two good ships, and may be bought very reasonable, if a factory had means to buy all the year. Their pepper harvest is in August and September, and is fetched away only by those of Acheen and Java, the Guzerates not being permitted to trade here, by the express command of the King of Acheen. Therefore a ship touching at Surat, and buying there especially blue calicos, white calicos, blue and white striped and chequered stuffs, with some small fine painted cloths, and then leaving a factory at Priaman, might lay the best foundation for profit that can be wished, against next year. I say against another year, for it does not seem to me that a ship could go to Surat and come hither in time the same year. For this purpose, however, the licence of the King of Acheen must be procured for our safe proceeding in these parts.
We made sail from Priaman on the 18th September, and on the 4th October got into the road of Bantam, where we found six ships of Holland, two of which were almost laden with cloves, and other two were to load with pepper. I found thirteen Englishmen here alive, and received a letter from Captain David Middleton of the Consent. The 6th I paid Uncte and Tegin, the two Chinese, their wages, and dismissed them. The 20th I called the merchants together, having formerly resolved to return with the Dragon for England, and we now concluded that our pinnace, when finished, should go for Banda with Brown and Sidall. John Hearne, John Saris, and Richard Savage, were to remain at Bantam; and when the pinnace returned from Banda, John Saris was to go in her to Sackadanea, in Borneo. The 15th November, I sent for Jaques L'Ermite, the commander of the Dutch vessels at Bantam, and discovered to him a plot of the Javans for cutting the throats of all the Hollanders, of which I had received particular intimation.
The ambassador of Siam came to visit me on the 22d, and dined with me, and asserted that a thousand pieces of red cloth might be sold in his country in two days, and a great quantity yearly, as it is used for housings to their elephants and horses. Gold, he said, was in such abundance in his country as only to be worth three times its weight in silver, though good gold. It has also great abundance of cheap precious stones. He said, moreover, that his king would esteem it a great happiness to have commerce with the King of England, with whom, as he understood, the King of Holland was not to be compared.
The 28th November, I took leave of the king, the governor, the admiral, the old sabander, Jura Bassa, Tanyong, and of the Hollanders, and went on board for altogether next day. The 2d December, at night, our merchants came aboard, bringing a letter from the King of Bantam to the King of England, with a present of two picols of Canton. Before we got out of the straits we espied a sail on the 12th December, which proved to be the Hector from Surat, where her captain, William Hawkins, remained. I understood that the Portuguese had taken eighteen of our men, several of whom were factors, and goods to the value of 9000 dollars. The 14th we came back to Bantam roads, forced either to lengthen our voyage, or to go home with lost reputation. The 16th there came a small vessel from Amsterdam, giving notice of peace between France, Spain, and the Dutch. I appointed Messrs Molineux and Pockham for England in the Dragon, taking the rest with me in the Hector for the Moluccas, into which other ship I removed on the 17th, the masters shifting ships. The 21st I forwarded Mr Towerson in all diligence, wishing him to depart in all speed; and on the 23d the Dragon made sail from Bantam, God prosper her voyage.[174]
§ 4. Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there.
About one in the morning of the 1st January, 1609, we weighed anchor, and with an off-shore wind got round the east point, three leagues E.N.E. from our former anchorage. Thence easterly to another point other three leagues, a very long shoal with very little water extending between the two, to avoid which it is good to steer halfway between Java and the isles of Tonda, which are five leagues distant. East from the second point is the isle of Tanara, so close to the shore that it cannot be distinguished from any distance. From the second to the third point, are four leagues E.S.E. and one and a half mile off that point N. by W. is the isle of Lackee, between which and the point is only one and a half fathoms water, according to report. We rode all night in six fathoms, having the isle east of us a league. Weighing on the 4th, we steered within half a league of Lackee in seven or eight fathoms; from the isle to the west point of Jackatra being E.S.E. four leagues. There is a dangerous sand off the west point of Jackatra, wherefore it is good to keep nearer the island opposite that point.
The 8th I went to Jackatra,[175] and anchored far out. The king sent his sabander to desire powder and match, and I sent him 30 pounds of powder and a roll of match. I bought of them a Portuguese boy, given by the Hollanders to their king, but who refused to apostatize from Christianity, and paid for him 45 dollars. We have seen thirty or forty islands since leaving Bantam. The 10th we made sail from Jackatra. There is a sunken island even with the water, about two leagues W. by N. from the east point of Jackatra, which we left to larboard, going between it and the easter island. The two points forming Jackatra bay bear E.S.E. and W.N.W. four leagues distant, the eastermost island being in a straight line between both points. At noon on the 11th we were ten leagues N.E. from the east point of Jackatra. The 12th at noon, we were two leagues S.W. by S. from an island, having sailed thirty leagues E. by S. The 15th we came near Madura, contrary to my expectation, whence I suppose that the island of Java is not so long as it is laid down in the charts, or else that we had found a current setting to the east. The 18th we were near the islands of Nossaseres or Nussasira, which were N. by W. a league from us, in lat. 5° 30' S. The 21st, in the forenoon, we saw Celebes; but we could not fetch Macassar. Coming to anchor, we parted our cable and lost an anchor. The 4th February we saw Bourro. The 5th I held a council to consider what was best to be done, as the wind did not serve for the Moluccas, when it was concluded to go for Banda. We saw Amboyna E. by N. from Bourro, twelve leagues. The 6th we saw the high land of Banda, in my opinion 25 leagues E. by S. 1/2 S. from the eastern part of Amboyna.
We got into the road or harbour of Banda on the 8th February, 1609, when the people and the Hollanders came to welcome me. The 9th I went on shore, and delivered his majesty's letter to Nera, together with a present, being a gilt cup and cover, a head-piece and gorget, and one of Mr Bucke's firelocks, which cost twenty-five dollars. I was received with much state, but they delayed giving an answer about our house till next day. The Hollanders fired five pieces at my landing, and as many when I returned on board, and I dined with them. The 11th we agreed for building a house. The 21st I went to Urtatan, to confer with the people, and on the 25th I went to Lantor, where I delivered our king's letter and present, being a smaller gilt cup and cover, a handsome target, a stocked musket; and a musket-barrel. In the night, Nakhada China, a spy of the Hollanders, came on board, and advised me to be speedy. The 13th the people of Lantor demanded for serepinang[176] 140 dollars, and I demanded leave to sell my cloth as I best might. The priest was sent to demand payment of Rooba-rooba[177] before we traded, which I refused unless they would bind themselves to load me with mace and nutmegs within four months. He offered them at 100 dollars, and I would not give past 90,[178] wherefore he took time for consideration; when I observed that they deferred till the Hollanders might arrive, which was now doubtful, as the monsoon was almost spent. He took his leave, without making any bargain, having a smooth outside, but a rough mind.
The 16th three large Dutch ships came in, and shot thirty, sixteen, and nine pieces of excellent ordnance.[179] Two of these came from Ternate, where they had lost Paul Van Cardan, their admiral, with seventy-four of their men, being taken by the Spaniards. The Dutch offered a ransom for him of 50,000 dollars; but they would hearken to no terms, except the surrender of fort Machian, formerly taken from them by him. The 18th the Dutch officers of the two largest came to visit me, and staid to supper; yet an Englishman reported that they meant to surprise me before the end of a month.
The states sent again for Rooba-rooba, which I refused to pay; so they sent again to say, now that the Dutch were come, I should have no trade unless I gave above 100 dollars; but I refused to give more than 100. After a long dispute, we at length agreed at 100 dollars; Rooba-rooba, 380 dollars; serepinang, 50 dollars; besides pissalin, being a duty to the four sabanders of four pieces of Sarassa, or Malayan painted cloth. We received a beam and weight, the cattee being 99 dollars, or 5 pounds 13 1/2 ounces avoirdupois. The 20th we began to weigh, and the Hollanders coming on shore, agreed at 100 dollars, paying 400 for Rooba-rooba, together with serepinang and pissalin. We had to bribe the Dutch in secret, or we must have been idle. The 23d I made a secret agreement with the chief of Pulo-way to send a factory to that island, for which I had to lend him 300 dollars, and to give 100 dollars more as serepinang; and the Dutch hearing of this next day, used their endeavour to prevent me. The 29th six large Holland ships and two small pinnaces came into the roads, which I saluted with nine guns, and was only answered with three. The 1st April I received from Pulo-way 225-1/4 cattees of mace, and 1307 1/2 cattees of nutmegs. The 11th we began to carry our nuts on board, being so constrained by the Dutch, who meant to land in a day or two; so that we had not time to select the best, nor to let them lie long enough in sweats.
The 13th I went on shore, and proposed to the sabander of Nera, as I had done several times before, the formal surrender of Bands to the sovereignty of the King of England, before the Hollanders might land or commence their intended fort. The states seemed to like this proposal, and promised to take it into consideration, and to give me an answer, but I was doubtful of their inconstancy, neither did they come to any conclusion. The Dutch landed 1200 men on the 15th from 20 boats, and the natives fled. The 20th I went on shore to fetch rice, in part of a debt due by Daton Patee to our company; but the Hollanders had dishonestly taken it, though their admiral promised I should have it. I then went among the Javans to buy rice, but they universally said they were enjoined by the Dutch not to sell me any, although I offered five dollars the coyoung more than the Dutch paid. When I got home, I found the person whom the admiral had formerly sent to me, and desired him to tell the admiral, that his taking my rice was great injustice, and if he were a gentleman, he would not permit his base people to abuse me as I walked about. He answered, that the admiral was a weaver and no gentleman; and being an Englishman, I reprehended him for so speaking; but he affirmed that all the Dutch spoke so of him.[180]
The 4th of May I went to Pulo-way, where I got 1000 cattees of nutmegs, and 200 cattees of mace. The 1st August, the Dutch gave me a letter of credit, for the payment at Bantam of all the debts due me at Banda; and this day I went on shore, at the request of the Dutch governor, to view their fort, which was a square redoubt, with thirty pieces of artillery, eight of which were good brass demi-cannon. The 10th I weighed a half hundred against the ordinary Banda weights, and found it to contain 9-1/2 cattees, so that the cattee appears to equal 5 pounds 14-1/3 ounces avoirdupois. The 11th I anchored near Macassar, in the island of Celebes, hoping to get cloves there in barter for cloth; but learning that a Dutch ship had been lost there lately, I desisted from the attempt, as the road of Macassar was reported to be dangerous. The 21st we anchored off Jackatra, in Java, where we found two Dutch ships, which had brought our people and their goods from Amboyna. The 26th we met a praw, in which was Ralph Hearne, sent to me by Mr John Saris from Bantam, to say that he had ready 3481 bags of pepper for me. We got that day into the road of Bantam, when Mr Saris came immediately on board.
The 13th September, 1609, at the request of the King of Bantam, I sent twenty-five armed men to make him pastime, in honour of his having the night before consummated his marriage. The 23d, having token on board 4900 bags of pepper, I prepared for our homeward voyage; and on the 27th I appointed the following members of our factory at that place: Augustine Spalding chief factor, at £50 a year; Francis Kellie surgeon, at 40s. a month; John Parsons at 30s. a month; Robert Neale 29s. Augustine Adwell 24s. Etheldred Lampre 20s. William Driver 20s. William Wilson 22s. William Lamwell 16s. Philip Badnedge 16s. Francisco Domingo 12s. Juan Seraon 10s. Adrian, Mr Towerson's boy, 10s.[181] Using every possible diligence to get away, I hired six persons to go along with us for England in assistance to our crew; and on the 30th, delivered over the charge of the factory to Spalding, giving him strict injunctions to beware of the Dutch insolence and hatred towards us, and therefore to have as little intercourse with them as possible.
I took leave of the governor or regent of Bantam on the 2d October, 1609, requesting his favour to our factory, which he promised with seeming heartiness; and on the 3d I went on board, after taking leave of all our friends. The 1st November we were in lat. 25° S. with 24° variation, being by our reckoning 650 leagues from Bantam, which we had run in 24 days. The 29th, in lat. 32° 30' S. and above 13° variation, we had all day a severe gale of wind, which at night became a storm at W.S.W. from the northward,[182] and put us to try with our main course, continuing all night and next day. In this, as sundry times before, we found the report of Linschot to be true, that generally all easterly winds, coming about to the northwards, if accompanied by rain, come presently round to W.S.W. with considerable violence.
Early in the morning of the 8th December, 1609, we fell in with the Terra de Natal, some six leagues west, being at noon in lat. 81° 27' S. with the variation about 8° 30', we standing S.S.E. under low sails, with the wind at S.W. We met a Hollander, from whom we learnt that the Erasmus, a ship of the fleet which went home from Bantam at the time of my arrival there in the Dragon, had sprung a leak at sea; and, being left by the rest of the fleet, steered for the Mauritius, where she unladed her goods, which were left there with twenty-five persons till they and the goods could be sent for, the rest of her company being in this vessel. They farther told us, that there are two harbours in the island of Mauritius; one called the north-west harbour, in somewhat less than 20° S.; the other called the south-east harbour, in 28° 15' S. All kinds of refreshments are to be had there, as fish, turtles, and manatis, in great abundance.[183] It has an infinite number and variety of fowls. Hogs and goats, only newly introduced, are in some reasonable number, and are fast increasing. The island is healthy, and between 30 and 40 leagues in circumference. The variation there is 21° westwards. They came from Bantam in May, were a month in getting to the Mauritius, had remained there four months and a half, and had been six weeks from thence, seventeen days of which with contrary winds.
The 22d of December we were in lat. 85° 28' S. within seven leagues of Cape Aguillas,[184] which shews like two islands from where we were, being to the S.E. of it. Coming more athwart, it resembled three isles, two bays, N.E. and N.W., making three conspicuous, low, and seemingly round points. We had ground in the evening in 77 fathoms upon ooze, being about five leagues south from shore, and, as I guess, nearly to the westwards of the shoalest part of the bank. When bound homewards on this coast, and finding no weather for observation, either for latitude or variation, we may boldly and safely keep in sixty fathoms with shelly ground, and when finding ooze we are very near Cape Aguillas. When losing ground with 120 fathoms line, we may be sure of having passed the cape, providing we be within the latitude of 36° S. The 23d we steered all night W. by N. and W.N.W. with a fresh easterly gale, seeing the land all along about eight or ten leagues from us, all high land. About noon we were near the Cape of Good Hope, to which we sailed in seventeen hours from Cape Aguillas. Being within three leagues of the sugarloaf, we stood off and on all night. The 28th I received by the Dutch boat from the island, six sheep, the fattest I ever saw, the tail of one being twenty-eight inches broad, and weighing thirty-five pounds. I got a main-top-sail of the Dutch, of which we were in extreme want, and gave them a note on our company to receive twelve pounds twelve shillings for the same. For the fat sheep we got on Penguin island, we left lean in their room. The Dutch here behaved to us in a very honest and Christian-like manner. I left a note here of my arrival and the state of my company, as others had done before me. All the time we remained at the Cape, from the 23d December, 1609, to the 10th January, 1610, the wind was westerly and southerly; whereas the two former times of my being here, at the same season, it blew storms at east.
The 10th January, 1610, we weighed and set sail homewards. The 20th about noon we passed the tropic of Capricorn; and that evening the Dutch officers came and supped with me, whom I saluted with three guns at parting. The 30th before day-light, we got sight of St. Helena, having steered sixty-six leagues west in that latitude. We came to anchor a mile from shore, in twenty-two fathoms sandy ground, N.W. from the chapel. This island is about 270 or 280 leagues west from the coast of Africa. We were forced to steer close under the high land to find anchorage, the bank being so steep as to have no anchorage farther out.
We weighed on the 9th February, making sail homewards, having received from the island nineteen goats, nine hogs, and thirteen pigs. The 16th we saw the island of Ascension, seven or eight leagues to the W.S.W. In the morning of the 28th, the wind westerly and reasonably fair weather, we spoke the Dutch ship, which made a waft for us at his mizen-top-mast head. He told us that he had only eight or nine men able for duty, all the rest being sick, and forty-six of his crew dead. This was a grievous chastisement for them, who had formerly offered to spare me twenty men or more upon occasion, and a never-sufficiently-to-be-acknowledged mercy to us, that they should be in so pitiable a case, while we had not lost one man, and were even all in good health. Towards night, considering our leak, with many other just causes on our part, besides our want of means to aid them, and at my company's earnest desire, we made sail and left them, not without sensible Christian grief that we could give them no assistance. Indeed, without asking us to remain by them, they desired us to acquaint any Dutch ship we might meet of their extreme distress, that the best means might be pursued for their relief. We were then in lat. 45° 6' N.
The 1st May, having fine weather and the wind at S.W. we were in lat. 49° 13' N. Early in the morning of the 2d, the wind came S. and blew a storm, putting us under our fore course. Towards night we spoke a Lubecker, who told us Scilly bore E. by N. thirty-eight German miles from us, which are fifty leagues. I told them of the Dutchman's distress; and as the wind was fair, made sail for England. In the morning of the 9th, Beechy-head was three leagues from us N.N.E. and on the 10th May, 1610, we anchored in the Downs about sunset, having spent three years, one month, and nine days on this voyage.
===========
[Footnote 156: Purch. Pilgr. I. 188. Astl. I. 312.]
[Footnote 157: This paragraph is inserted from the previous remarks
to the voyage of Keeling, by the editor of Astley's Collection.--E.]
[Footnote 158: Purchas makes the following remark in a side-note:--"Mr
Hakluyt's book was here of good profit; for, as Sir Thomas Smith affirmed
to me, it now saved £20,000 to the company, which they had been endamaged
if the ships had returned home; which had certainly been the case if that
book had not been consulted."]
[Footnote 159: This unusual expression, and others similar, as west-northerly,
east-southerly, and east-northerly, which frequently occur in this voyage,
are most probably the same with the usual expressions of west by south,
west by north, east by south, and east by north.--E.]
[Footnote 160: These observations within brackets are unintelligible:
probably notes in the log-book, for being attended to in calculating the
ship's day's work; and either left unexplained as a species of short-hand
writing of Keeling, or rendered unintelligible by the ignorant abbreviation
of Purchas. Such often occur in this article of the Pilgrims; but, except
in this instance, as an example, we have omitted such useless unintelligibilities.--E.]
[Footnote 161: As the bay of St Augustine, in lat. 23° 30' S. is
on the west coast of Madagascar, where the coast is direct N. and S., the
current of the tide could not set from the east. The expression in the
text, therefore, probably means that it is high-water when the moon is
nearly east.--E.]
[Footnote 162: This seems to refer to some creature then in the ship,
and perhaps brought home with them to England. Astl. I. 316. a. --Mr Finch
says, there were in the woods, near the river, great store of beasts, as
big as monkeys, of an ash colour, having a small head, a long tail like
a fox, barred with black and white, and having very fine fur.--E.]
[Footnote 163: This I understand to be the island of Juan de Nova,
in the narrowing between Madagascar and the coast of Africa towards Mozambique.--ASTL.
I.317.]
[Footnote 164: This is by no means the case, and we may therefore conjecture
that Cape St. Andrew in Madagascar is here meant, which is of that description,
and is in some measure opposite Mozambique.--E.]
[Footnote 165: This latter paragraph is a side-note in the original
by Purchas.--E.]
[Footnote 166: This must be the case where they reckon by lunar months,
as is done every where by the Mahometans. --ASTL. I. 318. c.]
[Footnote 167: This should be Neurúz, which in Persian
signifies New-year's day.--ASTL. I. 318. d.]
[Footnote 168: Probably St. Christopher's, St. Esprit, Hinznan, and
Mayotta.--E.]
[Footnote 169: Probably Gazidza or Angazezio, and Molalio, Moelia,
or Senbracas.--E.]
[Footnote 170: In the account of that voyage, as already given in Chap.
IX. Sect. 6. of this book, which was in 1591, Lancaster was said to have
been lost in a storm. He may have got on shore in this island, and been
massacred by the natives.--E.]
[Footnote 171: This is the Portuguese orthography; in English it should
be Shael, or Shaer; but the true name is Shahr, or Shohr, while some call
it Seer.--ASTL. I. 318.I.]
[Footnote 172: These three islands seem to have been Pulo Minton, Good-Fortune,
and Nassau, off the south-western coast of Sumatra.--E.]
[Footnote 173: Nakhada, or Nakhadah, signifies the captain or commander
of a ship in Arabic--ASTL. I. 519. d.]
[Footnote 174: Mr Tewerson seems from this time to have commanded the
Dragon on the voyage home; but this whole narrative is so ill expressed
and incoherent, that its meaning has often to be guessed at.--ASTL. I.
321.a.]
[Footnote 175: On the Dutch making this place the metropolis of their
Indian trade and dominion, they changed its name to Batavia, in honour
of their own country, called by the Romans, insula Batavorum.-E.]
[Footnote 176: It appears in the sequel that this was some tax or custom.--E.]
[Footnote 177: Another tax or imposition.--E.]
[Footnote 178: We suppose the Katti is here meant, as no quantity is
expressed in the text--ASTL. I. 323. c.]
[Footnote 179: This strange expression is probably meant to indicate
the respective number of cannon in each ship.--E.]
[Footnote 180: We here omit a long series of ill-told disputes with
the Dutch; who, presuming on their greatly superior force, interrupted
the trade of the English at Banda, and finally obliged Keeling to withdraw,
very imperfectly provided with mace and nutmegs, and much dissatisfied.
The narrative in Purchas is so abrupt, disjointed, and inconclusive, that
it was found quite impossible to give it any consistency or interest.--E.]
[Footnote 181: These wages are here particularized, as a curious record
of the original wages of the Company's servants in India.--E.]
[Footnote 182: This expression is unintelligible; but from the sequel,
it appears the gale had been originally easterly, had then changed to the
north, and finally settled in a storm at W.S.W.--E.]
[Footnote 183: The Lamantin, Trichechus Manatas Australis, Southern
Manati, or Fish-tailed Walrus of naturalists. This singular amphibious
animal, or rather aquatic quadruped, inhabits the southern seas of Africa
and America, especially near the mouths of rivers, pasturing on aquatic
plants, and browsing on the grass which grows close to the water. It varies
in size from eight to seventeen feet long, and from 500 to 800 pounds weight,
and the flesh is said to be good eating.--E.]
[Footnote 184: This cape is only in lat. 34° 4S' S. So that their
latitude here could not exceed 35° 10', giving an error in excess of
eighteen minutes in the text--E.]
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