Volume 8, Chapter 10, Section 14 -- Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris.[374]

INTRODUCTION.

"As the preceding journal of Nathaniel Marten is almost wholly nautical, this narrative of Floris is chiefly confined to the transactions, occurrences, and adventures that happened on land, in the several countries at which they touched in this voyage. Purchas tells us, in the title of this article, that it was translated out of Dutch; but whether by himself or some other, and whether from print or manuscript, he is silent. He informs us likewise, that Floris was cape merchant, or chief factor, in this voyage, and that he died in London in 1615, two months after his arrival from the expedition. This author is remarkable for several notable particulars respecting the affairs of the countries which he visited, which shews that he was curious, and for the freedom with which he censures the actions of his own countrymen, the Hollanders, which may pass for a proof of his sincerity."--Astley.

§ 1. The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam.

Having covenanted and agreed with the right worshipful governor and deputy of the English East India Company, we embarked in the Globe, on the 5th January, 1610, according to the English style, being actually of the year 1611, and set sail for Gravesend. Sailing from the Downs on the 5th February, we came to Saldanha bay the 21st May, where we found three ships. Two boats came aboard of us, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from Henrick Brouwer. Much refreshing was not here to be had at this season, by reason of heavy rains, being now their winter, and the mountains covered with snow. We used great diligence in searching for a root called ningim, for which purpose two of three Holland ships had come here, one being from Japan, that first discovered the secret. At this time the new leaf only began to peep forth, so that we could not have known it, if we had not received instructions. Its proper time of ripeness is in December, January, and February; and it is called kanna by the inhabitants.[375]

Having filled our water-casks, and refreshed ourselves with eight sheep and twenty cattle, we set sail from the bay, leaving there the boat of Isaac le Maire, commanded by his son Jacob, who was to continue there till December, bartering for hides and skins, and making train-oil. To him we gave letters for England. Near Tierra de Natal, on the 10th June, we were in great danger, a violent storm of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain having almost thrown us ashore; but God mercifully and powerfully gave us unexpected deliverance.

The 1st of August we fell in with the island of Ceylon at Punta de Galle. The 6th we came before Negapatam, being twenty-eight Dutch miles or leagues wrong in our reckoning, the maps in regard to that place being very false, which might occasion great danger in the night, the like happening to the Hollanders. Neither found we the island so broad as it is there laid down. Mr. Mullineux lays down Punta de Galle in 4°, whereas it is 6°.[376] Towards evening we passed before the road, and could see the houses very plainly. The 7th, we passed Langapatam, where the Hollanders have a factory of which they are very weary, having very little trade. The 8th, we came before San Thome, and on the 9th, before Pullicatt, passing over the shallows above a musket-shot, where we had only three fathoms water. At this place two boats came aboard of us, one from the sabandar, and another from the Hollanders. The 10th, the sabandar's men brought us a caul, or safe conduct, allowing us to come safely ashore; on which Mr. Brown and I went ashore, but by the roughness of the sea, our boat upset; yet, God be thanked, none of our men were drowned. The sabandar met us, compassionating our mischance, and appointed us a house, promising to procure us a letter from the king to the governess Konda Maa.

On the 11th, Jan Van Wersicke, the Dutch president on the coast of Coromandel, shewed us a caul from Wencapati Rajah, the king of Narsinga, by which it was made unlawful for any one from Europe to trade there, unless with a patent or licence from Prince Maurice, and wherefore he desired us to depart. We made answer, that we had a commission from the King of England authorizing us to trade here, and were therefore determined to do so if we could. Upon this there arose high words between us, but which the sabandar soon ended, by informing us that the governess would be here in three days, by whose determination we must be regulated. She came on the 17th, and Captain Hippon coming then ashore, we made ready to wait upon her, but were delayed, and informed that she would send for us next day. We strongly suspected the Hollanders of underhand dealings; and as no one came for us the next day, we sent to the sabandar, who made answer, that as the king had granted an exclusive privilege to the Hollanders, it was necessary for us to apply to his majesty for liberty to trade; but as this would have required a delay of two months, which must lose us the monsoon for Patane, and as the Hollanders had prepared to send a present of two elephants to the king, we resolved to proceed to Patapilly and Masulipatam, towards which places we set sail.

Arriving on the 20th at Patapilly, the governor sent us a caul, or licence to land, which we did accordingly, and agreed with him for three per cent[377] custom, and sent goods on shore, it being determined that Mr. Lucas and Mr. Brown should remain there, while I went on with the ship to Masulipatam, the roadstead of which place was better. We got there on the 31st, when Zaldechar Khan sent us a licence. We agreed to send a present to Mir Sumela, a great officer under the king at Condapoli, and farmer of his revenues, that we might be secured against the chicanery of the inferior officers.

The 20th January, 1612, Cotobara, king of Badaya, or Lollingana,[378] and Masulipatam, died, and great disturbances were apprehended; but Mir Masunim wisely prevented any troubles, by immediately proclaiming Mahmud Unim Cotobara, a young man of great hopes, son to a brother of the deceased king, who had left no sons. His uncle had submitted to the authority of the Persians,[379] but the new king evinced a spirit of independence, and disgraced Mir Sumela, the fountain of tyranny and oppression.

The governor dealt fraudulently with me in regard to a bargain of cloth and lead, pretending that he had agreed with me only for 4000 pagodas, meaning by this dishonesty to have increased the customs from four per cent. which had been settled, to twelve: and when I insisted upon our agreed terms, he told me roundly, that he, being a mir, or descendant of Mahomet, would be believed before any Christian. Being at a loss how to deal with this dishonest rogue, and not having time to send to the new king at Golconda for redress, I had at one time resolved to right myself by force, as there seemed no means of bringing him to reason in a friendly manner; but, at last, by the intervention of some others of the Moors at Masulipatam, we came to a kind of an agreement.

Having thus concluded our affairs at Masulipatam, and those at Pattapilly being likewise ended, and the monsoon being favourable, we departed for Bantam, where we arrived on the 26th April, 1612. We there found the Dutch about to remove to Jacatra, in consequence of new and heavy exactions established by the governor of Bantam, with whom, as we had no factory there at this time, we made an agreement to pay three per centum for customs, yet not without some contest. By order of Captain David Middleton, a factory had been established at Succadania, on the coast of Borneo, which was continued by Mr. Spalding; but, as matters were carried on there, it seemed more calculated for private interest than the public advantage of the company. The 1st of June we set sail from Bantam, and came into the road of Patane on the 22nd, where we found the Bantam, a ship of Enkhusen; from the people of which we were informed of the manners and customs of the country.

We landed on the 26th in great state, taking with us a present to the value of 600 dollars, to accompany our king's letter. We were well received, according to the customs of the country, the letter being laid in a basin of gold, and carried by an elephant, accompanied by a band of music, a numerous guard of lances, and many small flags. The queen's court was very sumptuous. The letter was read, and a free trade allowed us on payment of the same duties with the Hollanders; and we left the court without seeing the queen. We were then conducted by Daton Lachmanna, the sabandar and officer appointed for entertaining strangers, to a place where a banquet of fruits was presented to us. From thence we were led to the house of the Oran-caya Sirnona, where we had another banquet. Next day the queen sent us meat and fruits aboard.

The 3rd July there departed from hence a Dutch pinnace called the Greyhound, for Japan. The master's mate of this vessel had brought a letter from William Adams, an Englishman residing in Japan, directed to the English at Bantam; and by him we sent the company's letters to Mr. Adams, which he promised to deliver with his own hands. We had no other means of transmitting this letter, as the Japanese were at enmity with the government of Patane, and had even burnt that place twice within five or six years.

We had much ado to get leave to build a fire-proof warehouse at this place, but were at length assigned a place close by the Dutch house, thirty fathoms long by twenty in breadth, on which we built a house forty-eight feet long by twenty-four feet wide. Their exactions were very unreasonable, amounting, besides the charges agreed upon, to 4000 dollars; which, however, we submitted to pay in hope of future advantages. We were sore afflicted here with sickness, even as if the plague had raged in our ship. Captain Hippon died on the 9th of July; and on opening the box marked No. 1, Mr. Brown was found his appointed successor, but as he was already dead, No. 2 was opened, by which Mr. Thomas Essington was nominated, who accordingly assumed the command. At this place we suffered much injury from thieves, some of which came into our house one night, where we always had a lamp burning, and stole 283 dollars out of my chest, besides other goods; though there wore fifteen persons sleeping in the house, besides a large black dog, and a watch kept in our yard. These circumstances occasioned suspicions against some of our own people, but we could never come to any certainty.

I and John Parsons, with six more, were left here at Patane to conduct the business of the factory, and the ship departed on the 1st of August for Siam. I wished afterwards to have written to Captain Essington at Siam, to inform him of the bad market I had for our lawns [=fabrics], but had no opportunity of sending a letter by sea; and not less than four persons together durst venture by land, on account of the danger from tygers, and because there were many rivers to cross by the way, owing to which their demands were very high, and I had to wait an opportunity. In September, the king of Jor, or Johor, overran the environs of Pan or Pahan, burning all before him, and likewise the neighbourhood of Cumpona Sina, which occasioned great dearth at Pahan.

The cause of our lack of trade here-- where four years before I had seen such quick sales, as if all the world could not have provided sufficient commodities-- was chiefly that the Portuguese had brought an abundant supply to Malacca; besides which the Hollanders had filled Bantam and the Moluccas with goods, and also to the trade carried on by the Moors at Tanasserim and Siam, and at Tarangh, a haven newly discovered near Queda, on the western coast of Malacca; the Guzerats, others from Negapatan, and the English, all contributing to glut the market, so that the rumour only of such large supplies is sufficient to keep down the prices for ten years; insomuch that I cannot now clear five per cent. where formerly I could have gotten four for one. All these things considered, I dispatched a cargo on the 8th October, in a junk of Empan, for Macasser, sending John Parsons as chief factor. On the 9th, two junks arrived from Siam, one of which brought me letters from Captain Essington and Mr. Lucas, saying they had much trouble and few sales, both because the country was already full of goods, and because the governments of Cambodia, Laniam, and Jangoma were preparing for war against Siam.

The 25th, several junks departed from Patane for Borneo, Jumbi, Java, Macassar, Jortan, and other places; among which was the junk belonging to the Orancay Rajah Indramonda, bound for Bantam, and thence by Jortan, Amboina, and Banda, to Macassar. I cannot imagine how the Hollanders should suffer these Malays, Chinese, and Moors, and even assist them in carrying on a free trade over all India, while they forbid it to their own servants, countrymen, and brethren, on pain of death, and loss of their goods. It is surely an instance of great ignorance or envy, thus to allow Mahomedans and heathens to grow rich, rather than their own countrymen should gain a living; and a sign that the punishment of God is coming upon them.

The Globe arrived here from Siam on the 11th November, having been eight days on the passage. She had arrived on the 15th of August preceding in the road of Siam, and cast anchor in three fathoms at high-water; but next day, the water ebbing thirteen hours on end, she was left only in seven feet, fortunately on soft mud, so that she received little injury. When again afloat, she was removed to another anchorage, where there were three fathoms at low-water, being four leagues from the bar. The town lieth on the river, some thirty leagues from the sea. Sending news of their arrival, the sabandar and the governor of Mancock,[380] a place on the river, came back along with their messengers to receive the letter from the king of England to their sovereign, but chiefly for the sake of the expected presents.

Captain Essington and Mr. Lucas accompanied them to the town, where they were presented to the king on the 17th September, and received assurances of a free trade, the king giving each of them a small golden cup, and some little article of dress. The covetous mandarins, or officers of the crown, would have counteracted the royal permission of free trade, by taking every thing they pleased at prices of their own making, and paying when they pleased, acting in short more corruptly than those in any other part of India, though assuredly the rest are bad enough; but on complaint being made to the king, he gave orders not to molest the English in their trade; after which all their goods were carried to a house assigned them by the king, being the best brick house in Siam, and close to that of the Hollanders. The time when our people were at Siam was the season of the rains, when the whole country was covered with water.

On the 26th October there arose such a storm of wind as had not been remembered by the oldest of the natives, tearing up trees by the roots, and occasioning extensive desolation. Among other things destroyed on this occasion, the monument which had been erected by the reigning king, in memory of his father, was overthrown. Our ship, the Globe, very narrowly escaped, by the diligent care of Mr. Skinner and Samuel Huyts, and by means of dropping a third anchor; after she had drifted, with two anchors, from six fathoms to four, she was at length brought up, when only a mile from the land. On this occasion Mr. Skinner was beaten from the anchor-stock, and very strangely recovered. Five men were drowned, one of whom was supposed to have been devoured by a whale, which was seen about the time when he disappeared.[381] After raging four or five hours, the storm subsided, and the sea became as calm as if there had been no wind. Yet a tempest continued aboard the Globe, occasioned, as was reported, by the unreasonable conduct of the master, who was therefore put under arrest, and Mr. Skinner appointed in his room [[=place]], on which this tempest also subsided. Their trade also was too much becalmed, although this had formerly been the third best place of trade in all India, after Bantam and Patane, the causes of which falling off will be best understood by the following narrative.

§ 2. Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane, and the adjacent Kingdoms.

Siam, formerly a mighty and ancient kingdom, had been, not long before, subdued, and rendered tributary to Pegu, yet did not continue long under subjection. On the death of the king of Siam, two of his sons, who were brought up at the court of Pegu, fled from thence to Siam. The eldest of these, called in the Malay language, Raja Api, or the fiery king, set himself up as king of Siam. He it was whom the Portuguese used to call the Black King of Siam. Against him the king of Pegu sent his eldest son and intended successor, who was slain in these wars, and was the occasion of the almost total destruction of the kingdom of Pegu, and caused the loss of many millions of lives. The king of Pegu, who was of the race of the Bramas, was sore grieved for the loss of his son, and caused most of his chief Peguan nobles and military officers to be put to death on the occasion. This caused much perturbation and confusion, so that his tributary kings, of whom there were twenty, revolted daily against him. At length, encouraged by these defections, Rajah Api, or the Black King of Siam, went to war against the king of Pegu, and even besieged the capital city of Uncha, or Pegu, for two months, but was forced to raise the siege and return to Siam.

Not long after this, on account of a great pestilence and famine, the king of Pegu found himself under the necessity of surrendering himself and all his treasures to the king of Tangu, that he might not fall into the hands of the king of Arracan, who was coming against him with a prodigious army: Yet the king of Arracan easily made himself master of the city and kingdom of Pegu, then almost depopulated by famine and pestilence. The king of Arracan now proposed to go against Tangu; but the king of that country sent ambassadors to him at Arracan, offering to deliver up to him a certain portion of the treasures of Pegu, together with the White Elephant and the king of Pegu's daughter, both of whom I saw at Arracan in 1608; even offering either to give up the king of Pegu or to put him to death. This the king of Tangu afterwards did, by slaying him, with a pilon, or wooden pestle with which they stamp rice; for being of the race of Brama, it was not lawful to shed his blood. In this manner was the mighty empire of Pegu brought to ruin, so that at this day there is no remembrance of it.[382] The king of Arracan gave charge of the town and fortress of Siriagh [Sirian] upon the river of Pegu, to Philip de Brito de Nicote, to whom he gave the designation of Xenga, signifying the honest; which honour and confidence Xenga requited by taking his son a prisoner three or four years afterwards, and ransomed him for 1,100,000 taggans and ten galeas of rice. Brito yet domineers in Sirian, and cares for nobody.

By the destruction of the power of Pegu, Siam recovered its independence, and hath since brought under subjection the kingdoms of Cabodia, Laniangh,[383] Jangoma, Lugor, Tanasserim, Patane, and several others. In 1605 Rajah Ahi, or the Black King, died without issue, and left the kingdom to his brother called the White King, who was a covetous prince, yet enjoyed his kingdoms in peace. He died in 1610, leaving several children behind him, on which great troubles arose in the kingdom. While he was on his deathbed he caused his eldest son to be slain, a young prince of great hopes, at the traitorous instigation of one of the chief lords of Siam, named Jockrommeway, who having many slaves thought to make himself king. The presently reigning king was the second son of the White King, and soon after his accession put the traitor to death who had occasioned the slaughter of his elder brother.

Among his numerous slaves Jockrommeway had 280 Japanese, who, thinking to revenge the death of their master, and to achieve some memorable exploit, went immediately in arms to the palace, which they surprised, getting possession of the king and all his court, and compelled him to deliver up to them four of his principal nobles, whom they immediately slew, as the chief causes of their master's death. Having the king in their hands, they forced him to subscribe with his own blood to such agreement as they pleased to dictate, taking some of the chief palapos[384] or priests for hostages, and so departed with much treasure after much violence, the Siamese being unable to right themselves. On this occasion the kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos rebelled, as did also one Banga de Laa in Pegu. The king of Laniangh, or Lanshang, in Laos, came last year, 1611, with an army into Siam, within three days journey of Odija,[385] hoping to have found the kingdom still involved in the broils occasioned by the Japanese slaves. But as they were gone, the king of Siam went out with an army to meet him, and he retired to Laos. These two kings, of Cambodia and Laos, are said to have confederated together, and to have resolved to march together next April, 1613, in hopes to dispossess the young king of Siam, who is about twenty-two years of age; but which they are not likely to effect unless by the aid of treason among his principal subjects. Thus it was our hard fate to hit upon these bad times, so ill fitted for trade.

For various reasons we resolved to winter with the ship in Patane. The 31st of December, 1612, the queen of Patane went to sport herself, accompanied by above 600 proas. She lay first at Sabraugh, where we went to pay our compliments to her along with the Hollanders, when for the first time we were permitted to see and speak with her. She was a comely old woman of sixty years of age, tall, and of a majestic appearance, having never seen anyone to compare with her in all India. She was accompanied by her immediately younger sister, who was next heir to the throne, and commonly called the young queen, yet an unmarried virgin about forty-six years of age; and had likewise along with her the little daughter of another sister, who was married to Rajah Siack, brother to the king of Johor.[386] After some conference, she let fall the curtain, as a signal for our departure, and it was signified to us that we should come again next day, which we did, and were well entertained. On this occasion twelve women and children danced before the queen, and performed as well as I had ever seen in the Indies. Then all the gentility present were commanded to dance, or at least to make the attempt, which caused no small laughter. We even and the Hollanders had to exhibit ourselves, which mightily amused the queen. She had not been out of her palace for seven years before till now, when she went on purpose to hunt wild buffaloes and bulls, of which there are many in the country. As she passed along with her train of proas between our house and the ship, she was saluted by several cannon from the ship, and by musket-shot from the shore.

During the November and December of this winter, 1612, the waters had been higher, owing to the great continuance of the rains, than ever had been known in the memory of man, so that much cattle died and many houses were swept away, and a vast deal of harm done. The 25th January, 1613, we got news by a Dutch ship from Siam, that Mr. Lucas had sold more than half of his goods, of which the king had bought a large portion, and that he would not permit his officers to carry away the goods, under pretence of his name, without a signed warrant. We had also news from Queda, that the Portuguese, with 1500 men from San Thome, had taken the factory of the Hollanders at Pullicatt, slain their men, and carried away their goods. In March, I sent away the ship for Siam with more goods.

The king of Pahan[387] had married a younger sister of the queen of Patane, whom she had not seen for twenty-eight years. Having requested a visit of her sister ineffectually by solemn embassies, she detained all the junks of Siam, Cambodia, Bordelongh, Lugor, and other places, that were laden with rice for Pahan, and sent out all her maritime force, consisting of about seventy sail, with 4000 men, under the command of Maha Rajah, Datou Bessar, and the Orancay Sirnora, with orders to bring her sister to Patane, either by force or persuasion. The king of Pahan will have much ado to defend himself; owing to the great dearth, and the burning of his house, granaries, and rice; it is also reported that the king of Johor is preparing to go in person against Pahan, while the king of Borneo is making ready for succour.

In April, 1613, there arrived several junks from Cambodia and China; and in May I received letters from Siam, giving notice that the Globe had arrived there, and that sales were very brisk. I was now busy in preparing a cargo for Japan; and expecting to do some good there with Chinese commodities, I borrowed 3000 dollars of the queen for three or four months, allowing six per cent. interest to the queen, and one per cent. to the treasurer. We now received bad news from Bantam, stating that Campochina had been twice burnt down, and the English factory consumed full of cloth. The Hollanders likewise had made great loss. We were informed also of a large English ship in great distress at Pulo Panian, a great mortality being among her people.[388] Intelligence was also received that the military force of Acheen had besieged Johor.

The 12th July, the king of Pahan arrived at Patane, much against his will, accompanied by his wife, who was sister to the queen of Patane, and also by two sons. He left his own country much oppressed by poverty, famine, fire, war, and rebellion. He brought intelligence that the Acheeneers had taken Johor, and had carried away all the ordnance, slaves, and everything of value, Rajah Boungson and his children being made prisoners, and the king of Johor having fled to Bintam. Several Hollanders also, who happened to be in a ship at Johor, were taken and slain. The siege lasted twenty-nine days. None of the grandees of Patane went to receive and entertain the king of Pahan; and the only attention paid to him, was by killing all the dogs in the place, as he has an aversion to dogs. We saluted him with our small arms as he passed our house, which gratified him much, on which he invited us to visit him and trade at his town.

The 16th July we got intelligence that Captain Saris was at Mackian on his way to Japan; as also that Sir Henry Middleton had died on the 24th of May, of grief, as was supposed, for the situation of the Trades-increase, which lay aground with all her masts out, one side only being sheathed, as of thirty-three of her crew remaining most of them were sick. An hundred English, a greater number of Chinese who were hired to work upon her, and eight Dutchmen, had all died of some strange sickness. Captain Schot, belonging to the Dutch company, had taken the castle and island of Solor, with a great quantity of sandal wood. In the Moluccas also they had done much injury to the Spaniards, and a hot war was there expected. The 31st of July the king of Pahan visited our factory in great state, and made us great promises of kind entertainment in his country. The 1st of August, the queen sent for us to court, to be present at a great feast given in honour of the king of Pahan; after which a comedy was acted by women, after the Javan manner, being in very antic dresses, which was very pleasant to behold. On the 9th the king of Pahan departed on his return to his own country, having been made a laughing-stock by the Pataneers: But his wife, the sister of the queen of Patane, refused to leave him, going back along with him and her sons, after having spent all she had instead of getting presents. On the 16th I had a letter from Thomas Bret at Macasser, complaining of a bad market, and informing me that John Parsons had become frantic: He said likewise that he had purchased a junk for the purpose of coming away; but that in the meantime the Darling had come there laden with cloth, for the purpose of settling a factory at that place.

Rajah Indra Monda arrived at Patane on the 18th of September, having gone from hence on the 25th October.[389] He had been to Macasser and thence to Banda, where be made a good market, and had brought back about 200 sockles of mace and a great parcel of nutmegs. He brought me a letter from Richard Welden. He likewise informed me of the state of Banda; where the Dutch general Peter de Bot had administered severe justice, hanging some of his men for sleeping on their watch; owing to which, several had deserted to the Bandanese, and ten had become Mahometans, who could not be recovered. Neither has the Dutch garrison any controul over the natives of Banda, any farther than that they compel all junks to ride at anchor under the guns of their castle, and command the seas there by the number of their ships: But on the land, they dare not even give a bad word to any of the Bandanese. The Globe arrived again at Patane on the 23rd of September from Siam, bringing me a letter from Mr. Lucas, who had not received any intelligence of the fate of the goods sent to Jangoma, as the passages were obstructed on account of the wars between the people of Ava and Laniangh, or Lan-shang, in Laos. The king of Ava is said to have taken Siriaugh, or Sirian, and to have caused the Xenga, Philip de Brito de Nicote, to be put to death. The king of Siam is in fear of an attack from the king of Ava in great force, for which reason he has good watch kept on his frontiers. At this time I repaid my debt to the queen in gold.

On the 4th of October, being the first day of the Mahometan Lent or fast of Ramedan, a terrible fire occurred in the town, or fort rather, and court of Patane, occasioned by the following event. Datoo Besar and Datoo Lachmanna, who dwelt near each other, were the richest in Javan slaves at this place, except Rajah Shey. The Javan slaves had threatened to kill Datoo Besar, Lachmanna, Rajah Sitterbangh, and others, which came to their knowledge; on which Besar called his slaves before him to examine into the matter, which they utterly denied. Yet he ordered two who were most suspected to be bound, which the pongonla of the slaves would not suffer, wherefore Besar immediately dispatched him with his criss or dagger.

The Javan slaves were so enraged at this, that they would have wreaked their vengeance on their master had he not been protected by his other slaves: But in their fury, they slew all that came in their way, and set fire to the houses, being joined by the slaves of Lachmanna; and being now above a hundred persons, they ran to the great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting fire to all the houses on both sides as they went, so that the whole town was burnt except a few houses, which were the queen's court or palace, those of the Orancayo Sirnora and of Batoo Bandara, and the masjed or mosque. While running along the street, the Javans carried all the best of the female slaves along with them, and remained masters of the place till one in the afternoon, no one daring to oppose them.

We and the Hollanders were not without fear during this tumult, as the slaves threatened to destroy both our factories, for which reason we kept strong watch, and sent aboard for as many armed men as could be spared from the Globe. On their being landed and set in order, we resolved to march out and oppose the insurgents, who were now actually coming down to assail us; but learning from their spies of our strength and coming against them, they retired into the country, and fled by Quale-bouca to Bordolonch, and Sangora, and so forwards. Thus, without any harm by us received, we got the honourable name of the Defenders of Strangers. The Javans were afterwards pursued to little purpose, three or four sick men only being taken; and what became of the rest was not known while we remained in the country. This is the third time that Patane has been burnt down within a short space, having been twice before fired by the Japanese.

On the 21st October we took our leave of the queen, who presented Captain Essington and me with golden-handled crisses. We left in the factory William Ebert, Robert Littleword, and Ralph Cooper, with letters also for Mr. Lucas at Siam. The same day, the Hope[390] arrived quite unexpectedly. They had been at Johor, where they had gone ashore; and before they could return to the ship, the fleet of Acheen came before the town to besiege it. Whereupon the Dutch factors sent a letter on board, desiring them to send thirty armed men by land, and to bring the ship as high up the river as possible to fight against the Acheeneers. But on account of shoals, the ship could not be got far enough up the river to be of service, and after twenty-nine days' siege the town was surrendered upon composition. By this surrender twenty-three Hollanders remained prisoners, and twelve got aboard the Hope, in which there remained no one to command, except the master's mate and one assistant. They resolved to proceed for Patane, but were driven by a storm on the coral ground of Borneo, and by a change of wind were driven upon Pulo Condor. Being unable to shape their course for Patane, they sought for refreshments at Warellas, where they found a good bay; but the people being inimical, they could not procure any provisions. They came at length to Patane with only eighteen men, most of whom lay in a pitiful condition in their berths. This ship brought 70,000 rials of eight, or Spanish dollars, and twenty-nine packs of India cloth.

§ 3. Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at that Place.

We set sail from Patane on the 22nd October, 1613, and on the 25th we were in with the most southerly of the islands of Ridang, in lat. 6° N., of which there are about eighteen or twenty. In the evening of that day we came to the Capas, three small isles, about thirteen leagues from the Ridang islands, and two leagues from the continent. The 26th, we saw Pulo Tyaman, twenty-eight leagues S.S.E. from the Capas. The 29th, being calm, we came to Pulo Tingi, where, if you keep in eighteen fathoms, there is nothing to be feared but what may be seen. The 1st November we saw the point of Jantana, or Johor, and the mount on the island of Bintam, and came next morning in sight of Piedra-branca; about ten o'clock a.m. we came to the dangerous reef that projects four leagues out to sea from the point of Johor. John Huigens van Linschoten describes this shoal well, which we passed not without danger, having the point and three little islands W.S.W. from us. It is good to keep to leewards till you bring these little islands in one line with the point of Johor, and Piedra-branca open with the isle of Bintam. Piedra-branca is a rock all covered with sea-fowl, and so bedunged as to make its top appear white, whence its name, which signifies the white rock, or stone.

Till the 7th, we were every day turning up against the current till we got past the river of Johor, and about two leagues from Sincapura. On the 8th, when close to the strait, several proas came aboard us, those in them being Salettes, who were subjects to the king of Johor, who live mostly by fishing, always remaining in their proas with their wives and children. From these people we learnt that the king of Acheen had sent back Rajah Bouny Soe to Johor, who was younger brother to the former king; and, having married him to his sister, gave him thirty proas and 2000 Acheen soldiers, with a good supply of ordnance and other necessaries, ordering him to rebuild the fort and town of Johor, and to reign there as a dependant on Acheen. We here took a pilot to carry us through the straits.

We arrived on the 19th December at Masulipatam, where we found an English ship and two Holland ships. We were told that Mir Sadardi was now out of place, and that the government was in the hands of Atma Khan and Busebulleran. The English ship was the James, which was sent expressly to second us in our voyage, and brought us letters, with which Messrs. Marlow, Davis, Gumey, and Cob came aboard the Globe. The 21st I went ashore with the others, when we were met by Wentacadra, the son of Busebulleran, together with the sabandar, and other Moors, and were well received. They presented us with several tesseriffes, and gave to director Warner and me a fine horse each, which at first I refused, suspecting some treachery, but was compelled to accept. I took a caul, or licence for trade, the customs being settled at four per centum, and immediately landed goods.

The 25th January, 1614, the James departed for Pattapilly, and sailed from thence on the 7th February for Bantam. On the 18th February I went to Narsipoor, and on the 19th the ship was brought into the river, drawing nine three-fourths feet, and having ten and a half feet water, contrary to the reports of some who wished us no good. I returned to Masulipatam on the 23d, whence I dispatched a peon with letters to Mr. Aldworth at Surat. That day there arrived a navette from Pegu, in which came Cornelius Franke, by whom we were informed that the king of Ava had certainly taken the fort of Serian, and slain all the Portuguese, and that Xenga, or Philip Britto de Nicole, was either spitted or soulathed,[391] this event having taken place in March last.

The king of Ava had given orders for rebuilding the town, to which he had invited the Peguers with many fair promises. He had gone from thence Tanasserim, where he was joined by Banga Dela, and 50,000 Peguers, who had been before under the king of Siam. The Moors in Masulipatam were greatly rejoiced at this news, hoping by its means to recover the trade of Pegu, and immediately made preparations for sending two ships there in September. In March there came news of eleven ships having arrived at Goa, eight of them from China, and three from Malacca, by which the market price of goods was much reduced; but, fortunately for me, I had almost finished my business before.

In April, Atma Khan departed for Golconda, to render up his accounts, the year coming then to a close. It was well for him that the king had deposed his great treasurer, giving the office to Malek Tusar, who was the friend of Atma Khan; and well for us likewise, as the debts due by these governors are good while they continue in place, but otherwise doubtful.

The 18th of May, at five p.m. Captain Essington died of a sudden heat, having eaten his dinner at the table. He had some boils about him, which are very common at that season; one of which, on his shoulder, was very large, and would not break, which was supposed the cause of his death. I went immediately on board, and put the ship into the best order I could. The people all refused to submit to any other commander but me; yet I thought it a debasement to tread in the steps of my under-merchant, wherefore I committed the charge to Mr. Skinner, in hopes that he and the rest would do every thing for the best, and returned myself to Masulipatam.

I here found three persons, who said they were sent with letters from Obiana, queen of Pullicatt, Jaga Rajah, the governor of that place, and of St Thome, and Apa Condaia, secretary to the great king Wencatad Rajah, in which they promised, if I would come thither, that they would give me a place opposite the fort at Pullicatt, with all the privileges I could wish, and many other fair promises. But remembering how I and the James had been entertained there, I could give little credit to these assurances; yet at length it was agreed that one of the messengers should remain with me, while the other two went back with one of my people, by whom I sent letters to the before-mentioned persons, as also to the king, in which, after recapitulating the bad entertainment we had formerly received at Pullicatt, I offered that we would return to trade in the country, if they would send us the king's caul, or safe conduct, in due form.

The 29th of July, four persons arrived as ambassadors, accompanied by my man Wengali. These men came from Wencatad Rajah, the great king of Narsiaga or Velore,[392] bringing me a caul, or safe conduct and licence, with an Abestiam, which is a white cloth on which the king's own hand is printed in sandal or saffron; as also a caul from the queen of Pullicatt, together with letters from Jaga Rajah, Tima Rajah, Assa Condaia, and others. The king's letter was written on a leaf of gold, in which, after apologising for the former faults committed against us in Pullicatt, he desired us to return into his country, and chuse a place to our own liking, where we might build a house or castle according to our own pleasure, with other privileges. He even gave me a town of about 400 pounds of yearly revenue, with a promise to do more for me at my arrival.

The Hollanders had wrought much against this; but their words had not now so much force, and the inhabitants grieved to see the English ships passing by every year without any profit to them, and therefore, making their complaints to the king, had occasioned these friendly offers. My man Wengali had been in the presence of the king, and even had spoken with him, the king having laid his hand on his head, and presented him with a tesseriffe.[393] I kept the ambassadors with me, allowing their daily charges, till the ship might come into the road, and that I had time to consider the proposals.

In August there was a greater flood at Narsipoor than had ever been known, at least for the last twenty-nine years. So much so, that whole hills of salt, many towns, and vast quantities of rice, were swept away, and many thousands of men and cattle drowned. In this great inundation, the water was three yards deep on the common highways. In Golconda, which has a branch of this river that is dry in summer, above 4000 houses were washed away. Two stone bridges, one of nineteen and the other of fifteen arches, as artificially [[=artfully]] built in my judgment as any in Europe, which are ordinarily at least three fathoms above the water, were three feet under water on this occasion, and six arches of the nineteen were washed away. This bridge might well compare with the one at Rochester in England.

The 4th October our ship, having been new sheathed, came over the bar without hurt, being hitherto detained by foul weather. I now called loudly for payment of the debts due me, and wrote on the subject the third time to the court, insisting to be paid both principal and interest. Upon this they wrote to Mir Mahmud Rasa and the Sabandar to satisfy me. The 23rd the ship came into the road of Masulipatam, and I took order for having our goods shipped. On the 25th, news came of the death of Wencatad Rajah, king of Narsinga, after having reigned fifty years, and that his three wives, of whom Obyama, queen of Pullicatt, was one, had burned themselves alive along with his body. Great troubles were dreaded on this occasion, and the Hollanders were much afraid of [[=for]] their new-built castle at Pullicatt; but soon afterwards there came a reinforcement to its garrison of sixty-six soldiers, by a ship named the Lion. She arrived from Bantam on the 1st November, bringing news that the Dutch ship called the Bantam had been cast away in the Texel, as likewise the White Lion at St. Helena. She brought us likewise intelligence that our ship, the James, had arrived at Bantam, whence she had sailed for Patane.

Finding the governor had trifled with me, and procrastinated the payment of his debt, so that we were in danger of not being able to return that year, I determined upon endeavouring to carry him or his son aboard our ship, however dangerous the attempt, as the whole company engaged to stand by me in the attempt. Wherefore I ordered the boat aboard, and to bring six muskets on shore, wrapped up in the sails, to lie in the custom-house till we might have occasion for them. Besides, as we were not permitted to have any weapons ashore, I gave orders for all our people to remain at home in our house, that they might be ready to join me at the custom-house when sent for, when they were to arm themselves with the pikes belonging to the governor's guard, or his sons, with instructions to enter then immediately into the custom-house, which stands close to the river, and then to barricade the door, that we might carry the governor or his son into the boat, before any alarm could be given in the town; and after getting them into the boat, we thought there would then be no fear of [[any difficulty in]] our getting them and ourselves off. Though we wished to have kept this matter a close secret, it yet got to the ears of the Hollanders, who considered it a mere bravado, and did not therefore reveal it. The 21st November the Gentiles [Gentoos] held a solemn feast, which they celebrate three times a year, always when the new moon happens on a Monday. At this time all the men and women wash themselves in the sea, thinking, thereby to merit indulgence. The Bramins and Cometis do this likewise.

On the 24th I again demanded my money from the governor, and in very angry terms, he having already put me off seven months beyond our bargain. I also asked Mir Mahmud Rasa why he did not help me, pursuant to the orders of the court; on which he laughingly answered that we would talk of that at the custom-house, when my anger was over. To this I replied, that I would no longer be fooled, but would shew myself a captain under the king of England, as I had not been accustomed to such knavish dealing. Going thence to the custom-house, I found the governor's son there with a slender guard, the soldiers having set up their pikes against the custom-house, as I expected, and it was now high-water, so that everything concurred to favour our project. I immediately therefore sent home for Mr. Skinner and the rest of my men, who were waiting at the factory, as concerted, who presently came, leaving three only to take care of the house. They immediately laid hold of the pikes, and came into the custom-house, of which they shut the door.

By this time I had seized Wencatadra by the arms, and held him fast till two or three came forwards to my assistance, who carried him immediately into our boat, which waited at the shore, into which I and all the rest embarked as quickly as possible, pushed off, and rowed away, so that before his father and Mir Mahmud could get down to the custom-house, we were rowing off as hard as we could. Yet, as it blew hard against us, and as we were forced to keep within two cables length of the shore on account of the channel, they came in all haste after us, some even coming very near our boat, but we out-rowed them all. Some met us in front, which put us in much danger of having our retreat intercepted; but by firing three muskets they were so intimidated that they gave way to us, and we carried off our prize in sight of at least 3000 people, being far past the bar before our pursuers could get to it, and at length got safe aboard with our prisoner.

I had given orders to George Chancey to remain at the factory with three of our men, to give notice of the reason of our procedure, and to receive our debts; but he, contrary to my instructions, having gone out of the house from curiosity, to see the success of our enterprize, was assaulted by some unruly fellows, and heartily beaten. But on this coming to the knowledge of the governor, he took him under his protection, fearing lest his son might be made to pay for it. In the afternoon, Werner Van Bercham, the Hollander, came off to our ship, accompanied by the king's interpreter, to demand the reason of our violent procedure. My answer was, that they knew my reason already well enough, and that I had left my under-merchant on shore to explain every thing: and when I was informed of the severe treatment he had undergone, I pretended to be revenged on Wencatadra; but allowed myself to be prevailed upon by Van Bercham to overlook it for the present; yet threatened to hang him up at the yard-arm if any of my men were wronged, which he wrote to his father.

I also gave strict injunctions that no one should presume to come off to us in a boat without bringing me a letter from George Chancey, otherwise I should turn them all before the mast. Van Bercham and the secretary came off again on the 27th, offering me payment of the governor's own debt, which, and that of Callopas, for which he was surety, was all I demanded from him; but likewise [[I demanded]] that the governor should send me on board all others who refused to pay, which I said would satisfy me. Van Bercham made also a formal protest against me for all damages they had sustained, or might sustain, through my hostilities, to which protest I gave an answer in writing, shewing its nullity; and that very night the Dutch ship set sail for Patane.

In the meantime Wencatadra remained aboard our ship, without eating or drinking; for he, being a Bramin, might not eat or drink in any man's house, excepting what he himself dressed or made ready. Owing to this, I so pitied him that I offered to release him, if any two Moors of good quality would come aboard in his place; but none would undertake this for his release, so that he had to continue his fast. The governor at length paid his own debt, and that of Callopas, and made all the rest pay, except Miriapeik and Datapa, who were in Golconda, on which I sent back my prisoner on the 30th of November.[394]

After all was settled, several of the principal Moors came off to visit me, promising to write a true statement of my proceedings to the king, and requesting me not to injure any of the ships belonging to the Moors that I might meet with. I told them that I was satisfied for this time, but requested they would be careful in future not to give any such cause of dissatisfaction, and that they would listen more attentively to the complaints of the English. I also wrote letters for the king of Golconda to the same purpose, that we might hereafter have quicker justice. I then dispatched the ambassadors of Narsinga to Velore, not having fit opportunity to essay the promised trade in that country, owing to my short stay, and in respect of the troubles consequent upon the succession; yet I left letters with them for the first English ships that might come to the coast, giving them my best advice. The 7th December, Mr. Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put to sea, having first offered to come ashore and take a friendly leave; but the governor, fearing I had written an account of his proceedings by the Moors, refused my proffered visit, pretending that he was ashamed to look me in the face, having of a good friend made me his enemy.

§ 4. Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England.

The 3rd January, 1615, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the James, come from Patane, together with the Concord and Hosiander. I went ashore, and received from Mr. John Jordain, principal factor at Bantam, letters from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the company had joined in one.[395] I likewise had letters from Mr. Cochin, at Macasser, saying he had received the cargo sent under the charge of William Ebert, with other circumstances; also from Adam Denton and Mr. Gourney, complaining of the dead market, occasioned by the wars; and from Mr. Lucas also, of his fears on the same subject; but as the Darling is now gone thither, I hope he may be comforted. We here agreed that the goods of the Hosiander should be trans-shipped into the Globe, of which Edward Christian was constituted captain by General Best, with Nathaniel Salmon as master, while Mr. Skinner should go master in the Hosiander. Fifty men were appointed for the Globe, fifty-five for the James, and twenty for the Hosiander, which was to stay at Bantam, and three or four to keep the Concord.

On the 30th the James set sail, to go on a month before, and to stay at the Cape or St. Helena for us, that we might sail thence in company for England. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it was thought proper to send the Concord for Amboina, in which George Bale went, and George Chancey was to stay in Macasser. The Dutch ship Zelandia arrived from Japan, bringing letters from Mr. Cox, advising that Mr. Peacock and the Hollanders were slain in Cochin-china, and that Mr. Adams, with four other Englishmen, were gone thence for Siam.

The 14th of February, Captain David Middleton arrived with the Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, all the crews being in health and good condition. On being informed of the death of his brother Sir Henry, and the loss of the Trades-increase, Captain David Middleton was much distressed, and resolved to go home. On which account he called a council, to consult and determine how best to station the ships, and about manning the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the Samaritan among the first; the Thomas to Sumatra; the Thomasin to Amboina, to aid the Concord; and the Hosiander to Patane and Japan to visit the factories at these places, all of which was put in execution. They set sail out of Bantam road on the 22nd February.[396] They came into Saldanha bay on the 30th of April, where they found the James, which had only arrived the day before, though she left Bantam twenty-three days before them. The Advice and Attendant were here outward-bound. Weighing anchor from the road of Saldanha on the 17th of May, they came to St Helena on the 1st of June.

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Note. Following the narrative of Floris, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 328-332, is given "A Journal of a Voyage in 1612 by the Pearl to the East Indies, wherein went as Captain Mr. Samuel Castleton of London, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant; the Narrative written by John Tatton, Master." This ship was not fitted out by the Company; but Purchas observes in a side-note, that he had inserted it, "For the furtherance of marine knowledge," and that, though not directly belonging to the East India Company, yet holding society with the East Indian society. We suppose it to have been one of those Voyages of which the annalist of the Company, John Bruce, Esq. so much complains, as licensed by King James I., in contradiction to the exclusive charter which that first king of Great Britain had granted to the English East India Company.

This journal, as it is called, is so retrenched or abbreviated in many parts, as to be almost throughout inconsequential, and often so obscured by the unskilful abridgement of Purchas as to be nearly unintelligible. We have not therefore deemed it necessary or proper to insert it in our Collection, as not tending to any useful purpose, nor containing any valuable or even amusing information. Almost the only circumstance it contains worth notice is, that they procured refreshments in a nameless bay on the western coast of Africa, to the north of the Cape of Good Hope, in which they bought calves and sheep very cheap, but could get no water. From many circumstances this appears to have been what is now called Saldenha bay; which name however in this voyage, is still given to that now called Table bay. The only water found in that nameless bay was a dirty puddle; and though the boat went a mile up a fine river at the bottom of the bay, they found it all salt, and the whole adjoining country very barren.--E.

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[Footnote 374: Purch. Pilgr. I. 319. Astl. I. 435.]
[Footnote 375: This kanna, or ningim, is supposed to be the same with the Ginseng, so highly prized in China for its restorative virtues. The Hottentots set the same value on it, and it is as rare to be met with in the country at the Cape of Good Hope as in Eastern Tartary.--Astl. I. 436. b.]
[Footnote 376: The truth lies between, as Point de Galle is in 5° 51' N. latitude.--E.]
[Footnote 377: In Purchas it is called three-thirds per cent. which, in the text, we have changed to three; yet a little farther on it would appear that four per cent. had been agreed for.--E].
[Footnote 378: These titles are inexplicable, but in the sequel he appears to have been king of Golconda.--E.]
[Footnote 379: The Moguls are probably here meant, named Persians by Floris, because they used the Persian language.--E.]
[Footnote 380: Rather Bankok, near the mouth of the river Menan.--Astl. I. 438. h.]
[Footnote 381: Whales are not of this description. Perhaps Mr. Floris had said in Dutch, by a great fish, meaning surely a shark. At this place Purchas observes, in a side-note, "that the road of Siam is safe, except in a S.S.W. wind."--E.]
[Footnote 382: This is to be understood of 1612, when Floris was there. After many revolutions, the empire of Pegu was re-established by a tribe called the Birmas, and now subsists in great power and splendour, including Ava, Arracan, Pegu, and Siam.--E.]
[Footnote 383: Probably Laos, the capital of which is named Laushang.--E.]
[Footnote 384: Called by other writers Tale-pois, or Tale-poius.--Astl. I. 440. a.]
[Footnote 385: Called likewise Judia, or Siam.--E.]
[Footnote 386: Called by some Jor, Joor, or Johore:--Astl. I. 440. c.]
[Footnote 387: Named in some writers Pam or Pabang.--E.]
[Footnote 388: This was the Trades-increase.--Purch]
[Footnote 389: This must have been of the preceding year, though not so expressed.--E.]
[Footnote 390: From the sequel, and likewise as mentioned by Purchas in a sidenote, the Hope appears to have been a Dutch ship.--E.]
[Footnote 391: This strange word is unintelligible; but we have formerly given the history of Nicote from de Faria, by whom he is said to have been impaled.--E.]
[Footnote 392: Narsinga appears at this place equivalent to the Carnatic, and Velore seems to have been the residence of the king.--E.]
[Footnote 393: In all probability a dress, the ordinary mark of honour given by princes in the east.--E.]
[Footnote 394: There must be some inaccuracy in the dates of the text, as Wencatadra could hardly have lasted from the 24th to the 30th, six entire days.--E.]
[Footnote 395: Purchas has obviously here made large omissions, even marking the present place with an &c. We learn from the Annals of the Company, that at first each expedition was a separate adventure, proceeding on a subscription for the occasion among the members of the company, but that afterwards the whole was consolidated into a joint stock.--E.]
[Footnote 396: Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that the concluding paragraph of this article was supplied from the journal of Marten. But in this hurried conclusion, we are left to conjecture whether the Globe was the ship in which Floris returned to England.--E.]