Volume 9, Chapter 11, Section 2 -- Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to the former Voyage.[131]

"Since writing the voyage of Captain Downton, I have obtained the journal of Captain Elkington, in which the reader may proceed with this worthy captain to Bantam, and thence to his grave; this history succeeding the former, as its author did in command."--Purch.

In employing the journals of Mr. Elkington and Mr. Dodsworth, to continue the account of the voyage set forth under the command of Captain Downton, only so much of both are here inserted as answers that purpose, to avoid prolix repetition of circumstances already sufficiently related. The journal of Elkington breaks off abruptly, like that of Downton, and probably from the same cause; as we learn from Purchas, in the preceding notice, that Elkington died at Bantam. The journal of Dodsworth entirely relates to the voyage of the Hope to England, after parting company with the other two ships, except that it mentions several incidents of the transactions previous to the departure of that ship, most of which are here omitted, as already sufficiently explained.--E.

§1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington.

On the 4th March, 1615, we descried the Portuguese fleet, which immediately gave us chase, which it continued all that day and the next. On the 6th, the general came aboard us, wishing us to make ready, as he proposed to turn suddenly round and give an onset upon the enemy: But about noon that day, the Portuguese bore up and stood for the coast, and in three hours after, we lost sight of them. At night of the 10th, the Hope departed from us. The 15th we saw three water-spouts at no great distance; one of them, which was very large, continued for the space of half an hour. The 19th we doubled Cape Comorin.

The 10th May, the wind and current both against as, the general went to a green island, to the north or the salt hill, where we came to anchor in twenty fathoms on good sand. We here sought fresh water, but found none. There were plenty of bogs and pigs on this island, where likewise we gathered abundance of cocoa-nuts. All about this island is good anchorage, within a stone's throw of the shore, in twelve fathoms. The pinnace brought water from another island, about four leagues off but it was brackish.[132] The 2nd June we came to anchor in Bantam road.

The 3rd July we weighed mace, and received silk towards furnishing the Salomon for Masulipatam, to which place we agreed to send the following merchants: George Chancie, Ralph Preston, Humphry Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage. The 8th we loaded porcelain into the Salomon. This day we had news by a junk from the Moluccas, that the Thomasine was there; and that there were twelve sail of Hollanders at Ternate, who endeavoured to prevent all others from trading. The 11th our old house very narrowly escaped burning, in conscience [[=consequence]] of a fire very near. The 20th, Mr. Jordan had letters from Mr. Ball at Macasser, complaining of violent ill usage from the Hollanders, who had driven him from thence, and stating that they proposed coming with all their force to take possession of Bantam, and to place the king of Motron in the government. The 21st Mr. Bennet set sail in the Salomon. The 25th, the Advice and Attendance arrived from England, after a voyage of eight months. They met the Globe and James at the Cape, to which ships they spared eighteen men. These ships departed for England on the 17th July, and the Advice and her consort on the 18th, meeting a ship near the Cape, which we suppose might be either the Samaritan or the Hope, bound for England.

The 5th of August I went aboard to visit the general, Captain Nicholas Downton, who was then very ill, and we got word of his death next day.[133] Mr. Evans the preacher, and Mr. Hambdon, followed him on the 8th, as we supposed by taking laudanum, as they were both well a little before. On the 11th the Advice was sent to Japan, having a complement of twenty-two Englishmen, together with five blacks, and Fernando the Spaniard. The Concord returned on the 14th from Succadanea in Borneo and Macasser. That night we had a prodigious tempest of rain, with thunder and lightning, and the mosque of Bantam was split in two by a thunderbolt, on which occasion the chief priest was nearly slain, which the king and people took for a bad omen, and therefore determined to make peace with Jacatra. The 16th the boat belonging to the Thomasine came to Bantam, with twenty-two English and five blacks, bringing intelligence of that ship having been lost on certain flats the night before, twenty-two leagues from Macasser, owing to the carelessness of Wilson the master, while all the people were asleep, he only being at the helm. They saved all the money, which they brought along with them; and as Mr. Bailey told us that his wrecked crew had compelled him to pay them their wages, we caused them to restore the money.

On the 19th, the Hollanders clapped three blacks into the bilboes, whom Mr. Bailey had brought with him from Celoar, pretending they were caught climbing over the rails of their house, and also, as they were brought from a place under their protection, they refused to give us them back. We are in various ways most vilely abused by these Hollanders, neither do I see any means to right ourselves, unless we go to war with them; for we believe this matter to have been done on purpose, and these blacks enticed by them to it, as if taken by force. I was much offended with Mr. Bailey for his conduct in taking away these blacks, as the means of making us hated as man-stealers, in places where we used to be well received, which the Hollanders will take care to blaze abroad to our disgrace.

In the night of the 13th September, the watch discovered a fire in the thatch over the house in which Mr. Jordan lodged, which was soon extinguished; but we could plainly perceive it had been done a-purpose, as we found the cane by which it had been kindled sticking in the thatch, for which we suspected a Spaniard named Francisco, who had apostasized and turned Javan. The 2nd October, Sophonee Cossock, a merchant, came in a small pinnace from Puloway, accompanied by an Orancay, to confer on trade with that place. The 22nd, I went ashore, accompanied by Mr. Pring and Mr. Bailey, to confer with the Dutch general concerning certain idle complaints made by them against our mariners. I found him and the president of their factory very impatient, calling us insolent English, threatening that our pride would have a fall, with many other disgraceful and opprobrious words.[134] Such was the entertainment we received from that boorish general, named Garrat Reynes, in his own house. He had formerly shewn the like or worse to Mr. Ball, on going aboard his ship at Banda: And four of our men, who took passage with him from thence to Cambello, were brought all the way in the bilboes, for no cause.

I went ashore on the 3rd November, when Captain Jordan called together the merchants, and sent for the orancay of Banda, whose letter he got translated; the purport of which was, that, in regard to the ancient friendship between them and the English, especially with Captain Keeling, and provoked by the cruelty and injustice of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the spices of Puloway, Puleron, and Nera, on condition that the English would supply them with provisions, ordnance, and ammunition, and help them to recover the castle of Nera, desiring that some person might be sent to Banda, to confer with the orancays. To this we answered, That we could not give them assistance to recover the castle of Nera without orders from England, and that at present we had no ordnance to spare; but would willingly supply them with provisions, and everything else in our power, till we had farther orders from England, and would trade with them for spices, for which purpose we proposed to send a ship, and a person to confer with the orancays, and particularly to know how we might have security, and whether they would grant us permission to build a fort for that purpose.

The 23rd five Hollanders anchored in the outer road, four of which came last from the Mauritius, having been nineteen months on the voyage from Holland. At that island they found that General Butt had been cast away with three ships, two being totally lost, the men and goods of the third being saved. A fourth, which was in company, went home under jury-masts, along with a pinnace that came there by chance. One of these ships that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, and they found her driving up and down off the mouth of the straits, having lost 160 men, and having only eight remaining. The 25th, by letters from Priaman, we had notice of the death of Mr. Ozewicke and Samuel Negus.

§2. Brief Observations by Mr. Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope.

The 16th October, 1614, while in the bay of Surat, Mr. Aldworth and Mr. Steel came on board, and next day Mr. Aldworth was examined, according to the company's commission and instructions,[135] concerning the behaviour of Paul Canning to the king, and the king's conduct towards him. To which he answered, That his behaviour was right, and the king's entertainment of him satisfactory, till the Jesuits insinuated he was only a merchant, and not sent immediately by the king of England. After this he was neglected, and died since.[136] Also, that he thought it fit that some one of our nation of good respect should remain at court, to procure redress of any wrongs that might be offered; to which function Mr. Edwards was chosen to go to Agra, as the person most answerable to the company's instructions, on which occasion some question was made, whether it would be proper he should proceed in the character of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the instructions, which Mr. Aldworth conceived would procure him disrespect with the king; and, after some contest, some way was given to Mr. Edwards in this affair, lest they should disagree in their proceedings, especially as it had been reported by some already, that he was a messenger from the king of Britain.

After much opposition to our desire of trade, there came a firmaun from the king on the 24th November, which, according to custom, the nabob met in state two miles from the city, attended by 600 horse. Next day we were kindly entertained, and the nabob gave Mr. Edwards 850 mahmoudies, thirty pieces of topseels, ten of fine calicoes, and other things. The money being to bear the charges of carrying up the present to the king, who was not willing we should incur any expence on that account, and the stuffs as a gratification to those who carried them up. To the merchants also he gave fifteen pieces of topseels, five to each, with his chop or licence for our departure, and promises of kind usage, all this being done in presence of those who brought the firmaun. The 30th, Mr. Edwards and we set out for Amadavar [Ahmedabad].

The 2nd of December we reached Broach, whence the governor sent a guard of horse with us to Demylode, and there we had a new escort of horse and foot to Charmondo;[137] whence we departed on the 7th with twenty-five soldiers, all notorious thieves, as we afterwards found. With these we went ten coss, when we pitched our tents in a plain, barricading ourselves as usual with our carts. While at supper, we had nearly been assaulted by fifty horse, who passed close by us, but they found us well provided for our defence, and it appeared that the charge we carried was well known in all the country through which we travelled. The 8th we came to Brodera [Brodrah] and made a present to the governor, who received it very kindly and particularly requested to see our mastiff dog. Brodrah stands in a plain, which seemed fertile and is well watered, a thing rather uncommon in those parts. We departed thence with an escort of 100 horse and foot, voluntarily offered from respect for the king's present, yet were they a considerable charge to us. We came next to Arras,[138] a town mostly inhabited by banians, and where their superstition of not killing anything occasioned us to have very bad fare. On the 13th we came to Ahmedabad, whence we gave a commission to Richard Steel and John Crowther to proceed on their journey to Persia; and hence Mr. Edwards departed from us for Agra.

All this time, the merchants at Ahmedabad, being in hopes of peace with the Portuguese, held up the price of their indigos, on which we resolved to proceed for Sarques [Sarkess], to make trial with the country people who are the makers of that commodity. We did so on the 7th, and found plenty of employment, packing in four days no less than 400 bales: after which Mr. Edwards returned to Ahmedabad, where he found the merchants greatly more tractable. Sarkess is a town of no great size, three coss from Ahmedabad, its territory being considered the best soil in all these parts for the production of indigo. All of the dealers in this commodity are apt to put tricks upon us, by mingling or otherwise. At Sarkess there are two of the most ancient monuments that are to be found in all that country; one being the tomb of a saint or prophet who was buried there, to which many pilgrims resort from great distances; and the other is the sepulchres of their ancient kings. To the north of the town is the place where Khan-Khana first put the Guzerates to flight, who were the original inhabitants of the country, all the rest of the kingdom being shortly after reduced under the subjection of Akbar, father to the present Great Mogul. This field of victory is strongly walled round with brick, about a mile and half in circuit, all planted within with fruit-trees, and delightfully watered; having a costly house called by a name signifying Victory; in which Khan-Khana resided for some time, but he now resides at Burhanpoor.

The 24th of December we had leave from the governor of Ahmedabad to depart; but hearing that several persons had been robbed and murdered that night close by the city, order was given for us to wait till a sufficient guard could be provided for us. The 26th we departed, having with us forty carts loaded with indigo and other goods, and came on the 27th to Mundeves,[139] where the gates were shut upon us by order of Sarder Khan. This put us in much doubt, and we procured a person to speak with the governor, who told him of letters he had received from Mucrob Khan, nabob of Surat, informing of the gallant action of our general at Swally and the safety of Surat from the Portuguese, through the bravery of the English. It was therefore agreed that we should not depart without a sufficient guard, which was to be ready for us next day. We did not however depart till the 29th; and at Brodrah, the men belonging to Sarder Khan procured more soldiers to assist them, as there were several companies of Rajputs lying in the way to intercept us, and many robberies and murders were committed daily in that part of the country.

On the 2nd of February, while passing through a narrow lane inclosed on both sides with hedges, we were assaulted by above 300 Rajputs, where we could not hurt them, as they did our caffila or caravan by their arrows and shot. We therefore made all the haste we could to gain the plain, while they in the mean time cut off two of our carriages. Having got to the open ground we made a stand; but the Rajputs betook themselves again to their hedges, to look after their prey, lest one thief should rob another. Many of our party were hurt on this occasion, among which was Humphrey Elkington. Next day we got to Baroach, and on the 5th to Surat, where we returned thanks to Macrob Khan for the care he had taken of our safety.

Hearing of an assault to be made next day on our ships by the Portuguese, we got his leave to go down to Swally and went aboard, but the Portuguese deceived our expectation. On occasion of the last attempt of the Portuguese to set our ships on fire by means of four fire-boats chained together, four of them were taken in smaller boats, which captives confessed that this was the last attempt of the viceroy for this year, as he was now under the necessity of returning to Goa, for want of water and provisions. One of these captives, taken in Swally roads, and carried aboard the New-year's Gilt, emitted the following declaration:--

Examination of Domingo Francisco, on the 20th of February, 1615:

"He saith, that he was born in Lisbon, being the son of a mariner, and served under Nunna d'Acunha in the seafight against Captain Best, in one of the four galleons. He afterwards went to Macao on the coast of China, and returned thence to Goa; where, after remaining ten months, he was ordered on board a galleon called the St. Antonio, in this expedition for the road of Swally, where he was made prisoner on the 8th of this month. The purpose of the viceroy, Don Jeronimo de Savedo, in this expedition, as the examinant says, was to destroy the English at Surat. The viceroy's ship was called the All-saints, of 800 tons, with 300 men, and twenty-eight cannon. Michael de Souza was captain on the St. Bennet of 700 tons, 150 men, and twenty guns. John Cayatho of the St. Lawrence, of 600 tons, 160 men, and 18 guns. Francisco Henriques of the St. Christopher, of 600 tons, 155 men, and 18 guns. Francisco de Mirande of the St. Jeronymo, of 500 tons, 180 men, and 16 guns. Gaspar de Meall of the St. Antonio, of 400 tons, 140 men, and 14 guns. These were the galleons: The ships were, the St. Peter of 200 tons Captain Francisco Cavaco, 150 men and eight guns; the St. Paul of 200 tons, Captain Don Juan de Mascarenha, 150 men and eight guns; a pinnace of 120 tons, Captain Andrea de Quellio, eighty men and four guns. Lewis de Bruto was captain of one galley, and Diego de Suro of the other, each having fifty men. There were sixty barks or frigates, each having twenty soldiers, and rowing eighteen oars of a side. The reinforcement which joined afterwards, consisted of two ships of 200 tons each, two India junks, and eight small boats, which were employed to endeavour to set us on fire. In the viceroy's ship, the ordnance were all of brass, those in the other galleons being half brass and half iron." Against all which the Almighty protected us, blessed be his name for ever.

On the 11th March, 1615, we parted from the general, he and the other two ships being bound for Acheen and Bantam, and we in the Hope for England. On the 12th we passed by the north end of the Maldives, where we found many shoals and islands most falsely laid down in the charts, as if purposely to render the navigation of these seas more dangerous. We arrived on the 17th of June in Saldanha bay, where we found a fleet of four English ships bound for Surat, under the command of Captain Keeling; which fleet, after consultation held with us, and receiving intelligence of the state of affairs there, departed on its voyage. On the 20th I met with Crosse and his company, left there for discovery,[140] and entreated some of them to acquaint Coree with my arrival. These were set upon by the savages and wounded, wherefore I delivered four muskets to Crosse at his earnest request; after which he procured Coree to come down with his whole family, and we afterwards got some cattle. He told me that there was discord among the savages, through which the mountaineers had come down and robbed them. We departed on the 26th June, leaving our longboat with Crosse, together with powder, shot, and provisions.

In the latitude of 29° N. we fell in with a Dutch ship from the Mauritius, having gone there to cut timber, which seemed a bastard ebony. Contrary to their expectation, they found there the lamentable wreck of four ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, which had gone to pieces on the rocks. The goods and men of two of these were totally lost, most of the goods of the third were saved, with part of which this ship was laden. The fourth was driven out to sea in a storm, and returned under jury-masts. The master of this ship promised to keep us company, but finding us a hindrance, he left us after ten days, without so much as a farewell or offering to carry a letter, which I imputed to their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much weakened; yet, I thank God, we lost none till my arrival in Ireland off the river of Limerick on the 27th October, 1615; where also we had to endure a storm, till we hired a Scottish bark, detained by contrary winds, to pilot us into harbour. There also, a remainder of Captain M. his [[=M.'s]] ungodly crew, who had lately obtained their pardon, put me in great fear; till Sir Henry Foliat secured us by a supply of men, and I sent off letters for London.

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[Footnote 131: Purch. Pilgr. I. 514.]
[Footnote 132: So vaguely is this journal expressed, or rather so miserably abbreviated by Purchas, that there are no indications by which to guess even where this island lay, except that it was on the way between Cape Comorin and Bantam.--E.]
[Footnote 133: By order in the box, Mr Elkington succeeded in the command.--Purch.]
[Footnote 134: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? It was Dutch policy to cry rogue first.--Purch.]
[Footnote 135: This commission had six questions, of which I only insert what is fit for the public eye.--Purch.]
[Footnote 136: It has been said on a former occasion that he died of poison, given, as was thought, by the jesuits.--Purch.]
[Footnote 137: On this part of the indicated route, between Broach and Brodrab, no stations are to be found in our best maps resembling these two names, unless Simlode may have been corrupted into Demylode by typographical error.--E.]
[Footnote 138: No such name is now to be found in the road between Brodrah and Ahmedabad, neither is it of much importance in any view, as the route is so vaguely indicated in the text.--E.]
[Footnote 139: This name also is so corrupted as not to have any resemblance in the modern geography of Hindoostan.--E.]
[Footnote 140: Of Crosse and his company of condemned persons, set on shore at the Cape of Good Hope, see afterwards in Peyton's voyage.--Purch.]