Volume 9, Chapter 11, Section 6a -- Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from King James I, to Shah Jehanguire, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan[183], part 1
 

INTRODUCTION.

There are two editions of this journal in our older Collections of Voyages and Travels, but both exceeding defective and imperfect. The first of these is in the Pilgrims of Purchas, which is said to have been "Collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul." It is evidently to be considered as an abridgement made by Purchas, which, indeed, he fully acknowledges in a postscript, in the following terms:-- "Some readers may perhaps wish they had the whole journal, and not thus contracted into extracts of those things out of it which I conceived more fit for the public. And for the whole, myself would have wished it; but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could I learn of it, the worthy knight himself being now employed in like honourable embassage from his majesty to the Great Turk." Besides that it is a mere abridgement, often most confusedly, and almost unintelligibly tacked together, this article in the Pilgrims breaks off abruptly in a most interesting part of the narrative, which we have now no means to supply. The full title of this article in the Pilgrims is as follows:-- "Observations collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty the King of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul. Consisting of Occurrences worthy of Memory, in the way, and at the Court of the Mogul; together with an Account of his Customs, Cities, Countries, Subjects, and other Circumstances relating to India."

The other edition of this journal is in the collection published by the Churchills, of which we quote from the third edition of 1744, reprinted by Lintot and Osburn, booksellers in London. Of this edition the editor of that collection gives the following account:-- "Sir Thomas Roe has before appeared in print, in part at least, in the collection of Purchas, since translated into French, and published in the first volume of the collection by Thevenot. He now comes again abroad with considerable additions, not foisted in, but taken from his own original manuscript, of which it would appear that Purchas only had an imperfect copy. These additions, it is true, are not great in bulk, but they are valuable for the subject; and several matters, which in the other collection are brought in abruptly, are here continued in a more methodical manner."

After an attentive comparison of these two former editions, it obviously appears that the edition by Purchas, in 1625, is in general more circumstantial and more satisfactory than that of Churchill, in 1744, notwithstanding its superior pretensions, as above stated. Yet on several occasions, the edition in Churchill gives a more intelligible account of particulars, and has enabled us, on these occasions, to restore what Purchas, by careless abbreviation, had left an obscure and almost unintelligible jumble of words. The present edition, therefore, is formed upon a careful collation of these two former, supplying from each what was defective in the other. On the present occasion, the nautical and other observations made by Sir Thomas Roe during the voyage from England to Surat, are omitted, having been already inserted into the account of that voyage by Captain Peyton.

It were much to be desired that this first account of the political intercourse between Britain and Hindoostan could have been given at full length, more especially as that extensive, rich, populous, and fertile country is now almost entirely reduced under the dominion of the British crown; and as Sir Thomas Roe, even in the garbled state in which we are forced to present his observations, clearly shews the inherent vices of the Mogul government, through which it so rapidly fell into anarchy, and was torn in pieces by its own cumbrous and ill-managed strength. Perhaps the archives of the East India Company are still able to supply this deficiency in the history of its original establishment; and it were surely worthy of the more than princely grandeur of that great commercial company, to patronise the publication of a collection of the voyages, travels, negotiations, and events which have conduced to raise it to a degree of splendour unexampled in the history of the world. The importance of this first embassy from Great Britain to the Great Mogul, and the vast consequences, both commercial and political, which have since arisen from that early intercourse, have induced us to give the following additional information respecting the mission of Sir Thomas Roe, from the Annals of the East India Company, vol. I. p. 174, et sequ., which will in some measure supply the defects in this journal, as published by Purchas and Churchill.--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

"The information which the Court [of Committees or Directors of the East India Company] had received, in the preceding season [1613-14], induced them to apply to the king to grant his royal authority that an ambassador should proceed in his name to the Great Mogul. King James, in compliance with the wishes of the Company, on the 14th January, 1614-15, granted his commission to the celebrated Sir Thomas Roe, "to be ambassador to the Great Mogul, or king of India," the Company agreeing to defray the expence, in consideration that, under their exclusive privileges, they were to acquire such benefits as might result from this mission.

"Sir Thomas Roe sailed from England in March 1615, on board the Lion, Captain Newport, and arrived at Surat, whence he proceeded to the Mogul's court at Agimere, which he reached in December, 1615; and on the 10th January, 1616, was presented to the Mogul as ambassador from the king of England, when he delivered the king's letter and presents. Of these, an English coach was the chief article, and with it the Mogul was pleased to express his satisfaction, and to give the ambassador a gracious reception. From the Company's agents having already been too profuse in their presents to the ministers and favourites, Sir Thomas found that the articles which he carried out as presents were not so highly estimated as he expected; he therefore informed the court that nothing less than valuable jewels would be deemed worthy of acceptance; and at the same time he advised that 'four or five cases of red wine' should be sent as presents to the king and prince, as, in his own words, 'never were men more enamoured of that drinke as these two, and which they would more highly esteem than all the jewels in Chepeside.'

"In describing his own situation, he stated that the natives could not comprehend what was meant in Europe by the rank or quality of an ambassador, and that in future it would be preferable to employ an agent only, who could bear these affronts without dishonour, which an ambassador, from his rank, could not encounter. He complains also that from want of an interpreter, he had experienced much difficulty in explaining to the Mogul, and to his ministers, the object of his mission; in particular, the grievances which the English had suffered from the governor of Ahmedabad; because the native brokers, whom he was obliged to employ, were afraid to interpret literally, lest they should either incur the king's displeasure, or be disgraced by his ministers. In his application for redress from the governor of Ahmedabad, he discovered that this officer was supported by sultan Churrum, the Mogul's eldest-son,[184] and Asaph Khan, the favourite. By perseverance and firmness, however, the ambassador at length obtained the relief he solicited.

"On the 24th January, 1616, Sir Thomas had a second audience of the Mogul, at which he complained of the injuries the English had sustained from the arbitrary conduct of the governor of Surat, and so effectual were his remonstrances, that this officer was dismissed. The ambassador then proposed to renew the articles of the phirmaund, or treaty between the Mogul and the English nation, and solicited to have the treaty ratified by the signatures[185] of the Mogul and Sultan Churrum, which being procured, the treaty was concluded.[186]

"In 1616 we discover a jealousy in the factory at Surat, of Sir Thomas Roe, notwithstanding his efforts and success in obtaining phirmaunds from the Mogul favourable to the factories at Surat and Ahmedabad, and in general for the encouragement of English trade in the Mogul dominions; for the factors represented to the court that a merchant or agent would be better qualified for a commercial negociator than a king's ambassador; and in support of this opinion referred to the practice of the king of Spain, who on no occasion would send an ambassador, but always a commercial agent; and stated that Sir Thomas Roe, besides, considered himself to be vested with the exercise of a controlling power over the commercial speculations of the Surat factory, and held himself to be better qualified to judge of the English interests by combining the political relations which he wished to introduce between the Mogul and the king of England, than by forwarding any projects for trade which the factory might devise as applicable to the Mogul dominions.

"In this year he reported that he had returned thanks to Sultan Churrum for the protection which he had afforded to the English in relieving them from the extortions of Zulfeccar Khan, the late governor of Surat, and had remonstrated against the partiality which had been shown to the Portuguese; representing to the Mogul that the king of Portugal had assumed the title of king of India, and that the Portuguese trade could never be so beneficial as that of England, as the English annually exported from India calicoes and indigo to the amount of 50,000 rials. To strengthen this remonstrance, Sir Thomas offered to pay to the sultan 12,000 rupees yearly, on condition that the English should be exempted from the payment of customs at the port of Surat; and then gave it as his opinion, that the plan of the agency at Surat, of keeping permanent factories at Surat and other parts of the Mogul dominions, ought to be abandoned, as it would be preferable to make the purchases of goods inland, by the natives [particularly the indigo from Agra, and the Bengal goods], who could obtain them at reasonable rates. But if the court were of opinion that English factors ought to be stationed at Agra, he recommended sending the goods in carts rather than on camels. He concludes this part of his report by advising that agents should reside at Cambay and Baroach, because the best cloths in India could be procured at these towns.

"Though Sir Thomas Roe appears to have procured a phirmaund through the means of Noor-Mahal, the favourite sultana or empress, for the general good treatment of the English at Surat, and had desired that an assortment of English goods, perfumes, &c. should be forwarded to him as presents to her and to her brother, Asaph Khan, he yet describes, in 1618, the governor of Surat as reluctant to shew that favour to the English which the phirmaund had enjoined. It therefore became a question with him, as the governor of Surat would not allow the English to strengthen or fortify their factory for the protection of their goods and servants, whether it might not be expedient to remove to some other station, where the means of self-defence might be more practicable. At one time he thought of Goga, and subsequently of Scindy; but, after a review of the whole, decided that it would be more expedient to remain at Surat; though from the character of the natives, and the instability of the Mogul government, all grants of privileges must be considered as temporary, and any agreement or capitulation which might be procured, ought not to be depended on as permanent. He concludes that, though a general phirmaund for trade in the Mogul dominions had been obtained, and of course a foundation laid for the English intercourse with the rich provinces of Bengal, yet the attempt to enter on that trade would be unwise, from being in the exclusive possession of the Portuguese.

"Sir Thomas Roe returned from the embassy to Surat in the spring of 1618-19, when it appears that the opposition in opinion between him and the factors at that place had subsided, as the efforts of both were united to establish a distinct system for the trade of the English at Surat. It has been already stated that Sir Thomas Roe had procured a phirmaund to the English from the Mogul, for the establishment of a general trade in his extensive dominions, but that the relaxed situation of the government, which always, under the administration of the Moguls, preceded an expected succession to the throne, had rendered the governor of Surat, at this juncture, less obsequious to the orders of his sovereign than the absolute nature of the constitution would otherwise have prescribed. Under these circumstances, and to improve upon the general treaty already mentioned, Sir Thomas Roe made proposals to Sultan Churrum to enter into an alliance for resisting the pretensions of the Portuguese. After long discussions with that prince, this treaty was concluded, and the following are its leading articles.

"That the governor of Surat should lend ships to the English, to be employed in the defence of that port. The English, however, to be only allowed to land ten armed men at one time; but the resident merchants to be allowed to wear arms. That the English should be allowed to build a house in the city, but distant from the castle.[187] That the governor of Surat should receive the ambassador and his suite with marks of honour. That the English should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and be governed by their own laws. That in any dispute between the English and the natives; reference was to be made to the governor and his officers, who should decide speedily and justly; but disputes among themselves were to be decided by their own factory. That liberty of trade was to be allowed the English, in its fullest extent, on payment of the usual duties on landing the goods, from which pearls, jewels, &c. were to be exempted. That freedom of speech was to be allowed to the English linguists [[=translators]] and brokers, in all matters regarding the trade of their employers. And, lastly, that all presents intended for the court were to be opened and examined at the custom-house of Surat, and then sealed and given back to the English, and to pass duty-free; but in case these presents were not made, then these articles were to become liable to pay duty.

"During his residence in India, Sir Thomas Roe had likewise used his best endeavours to promote the trade of the English with the ports of Persia, in which considerable opposition was experienced from the Portuguese, who tried every expedient to engross the Persian trade to themselves, and to exclude the English from any participation. In this opposition Sir Robert Shirley had been implicated, who had gone to Europe in 1615, on a mission from the king of Persia, to form a contract with the king of Spain, then sovereign of Portugal, not only to sell to his subjects the whole of the Persian silk, but to grant them licence to fortify the sea-ports of Persia for the protection of their shipping and factories. Mr. Connock, the English agent in Persia, under these circumstances, recommended the necessity of applying to King James, and submitting to his consideration the danger of allowing the Portuguese to enjoy the exclusive possession of that trade, which would render them the most powerful European nation in the East Indies. In the mean time, he represented to the king of Persia the necessity of seizing the island of Ormus from the Portuguese, under the protection of which the Persian dominions could be supplied by the English with all kinds of Indian commodities.

"In this critical situation of the company's agents at Ispahan, an ambassador arrived from the king of Spain in June 1617, authorised to adjust and settle the contract which Sir Robert Shirley had projected. The English agent, in consequence, urged the factory at Surat to dispatch the whole of the company's ships to Jasques for the defence of that port, as the Portuguese fleet had rendezvoused at Muscat, and had determined to blockade the passage into the Persian gulf against the English trade. These events induced Sir Thomas Roe to grant a commission, and to give instructions to the company's agent at Ispahan, authorising him to treat with the king of Persia, in the name of the king of England.

"In 1618, Captain Shillings, of the company's ship Ann, went to Mokha, and obtained a phirmaund from the governor, by which the English were allowed free trade, and protection to their persons and property, on condition of paying three per cent on merchandize, and three per cent on the prices of all goods exported by them from Mokha. On receiving information of this event, Sir Thomas Roe addressed a letter to the governor of Mokha, requesting that these privileges might be confirmed by the Grand Signior, and promising, on the part of the English, that all kinds of European goods should be regularly brought to Mokha, and that the English should defend that port against all enemies, and particularly against the Portuguese.

"This appears to have been the last transaction of Sir Thomas Roe in the East Indies. In his voyage home he touched at Saldanha bay [Table bay] in May, 1619, where he met, and held a conference with, the Dutch admiral Hoffman, who commanded the outward-bound fleet from Holland of that season. From this officer he learned that the respective governments in Europe, alarmed at the commercial jealousies and animosities between their subjects in the East Indies, had appointed commissioners to take that subject into consideration. It was, therefore, with a becoming sense of duty, agreed between them that each should address a letter to the chiefs of their respective factories in India, recommending to them to abstain from any opposition or violence against each other, till each had received specific instructions from their superiors, or should be informed of the result of the conferences between the commissioners of the two nations in Europe."

§1. Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country.

I landed at Surat on the 26th September, 1615, and was received in an open tent by the chief officers of the town, well attended. On this occasion I was accompanied by the general, and principal merchants, Captain Harris being sent to make me a court of guard with an hundred shot; and the ships, all dressed out to the best advantage, saluted me with their ordnance as I passed. There was much controversy about searching my servants, but at length they passed free to the city, where we had a house provided for us. We continued there to the 30th October, suffering much vexation from the governor, who forcibly caused [[the]] search [[of]] many of our chests and trunks, taking away what he thought fit.

The 30th October I departed from Surat, and that day travelled only four coss to Sumaria.[188] The 1st November I went eleven miles to a village. The 2nd, to Biarat, twenty-one miles, where there is a castle, this town being on the borders of the kingdom of Guzerat, subject to the Mogul, and belonging to Abraham Khan. The 3rd I entered the kingdom of Pardaff shah,[189] a pagan lord of the hills, who is subject to nobody; and at the end of fifteen miles we lodged in the fields, beside a city of note, called Mugher. The 4th we travelled nine miles by a rocky way, and lay in the fields, beside a village called Narampore. The 5th, fifteen miles, and lay in the fields. The 6th, twenty miles, to a city called Nundabar, in the kingdom of Brampore [Burhanpoor], which is subject to the Mogul. At this place we first procured bread, after leaving Surat, as the Banians, who inhabit all the country through which we had travelled, make only cakes instead of bread. The country peculiarly abounds in cattle, as the Banians never kill any, neither do they sell any for being slaughtered. One day I met at least 10,000 bullocks loaded with grain, in one drove, and most other days I saw smaller parcels.

The 7th we went eighteen miles to Ningull. The 8th, fifteen to Sinchelly [Sindkera.]. The 9th, [[an]]other fifteen to Tolmere [Talnere]. And the 10th, eighteen to Chapre [Choprah], where we pitched our tents without [[=outside]] the town, and the king's officers guarded us all night with thirty horse and twenty shot, for fear of our being attacked by robbers from the mountains, as I refused to remove into the town. The 11th we travelled eighteen miles, eighteen on the 12th, and fifteen on the 13th, which brought us to Brampore [Burhanpoor], which I guessed to be 223 miles east from Surat.[190] The country is miserable and barren, the towns and villages only built of mud. At Bartharpore,[191] a village two miles short of Burhanpoor, I saw some of the Mogul ordnance, most of which is too short, and too open in the bore. On coming to Burhanpoor, the Cutwall met me, well attended, having sixteen stand of colours carried before him, and conducted me to a serai appointed for my lodging. He took leave of me at the gate, which had a handsome stone front; but when in, I had four chambers allotted for me, no bigger than ovens, with vaulted roofs and bare brick walls, so that I chose to lodge in my tent. I sent word to the cutwall, threatening to leave the town, as I scorned such mean usage, but he desired me to be content till morning, as this was the best lodging in the city; which I afterwards found to be the case, as it consists entirely of mud cottages, excepting the houses inhabited by Sultan Parvis, the Mogul's second son, that of Khan Khanan, and a few others. Sultan Parvis here represents the king his father, living in great state and magnificence, but Khan Khanan, who is the greatest subject of the empire, is at the head of a large army, in which are 40,000 horse, and governs everything, the prince only having the name and pomp allowed him.

On the 18th, both to satisfy the prince who desired it, and whom I was not willing to displease, and to see the fashions of the court, and because it was proposed to establish a factory here, where sword-blades were in great request for the army, and sold well, I went to visit the prince, to whom, I carried a present. I was conducted by the Cutwall, and in the outer court of the palace I found about a hundred horsemen under arms, who formed a line on each side, being all gentlemen waiting to salute the prince on his coming forth. In the inner court the prince sat in a high gallery encircling the court, having a canopy over head, and a carpet spread before him, appearing in much, yet barbarous, state. Going towards him through a lane of people, an officer came and told me that I must touch the ground with my head, and with my hat off. I answered, that I came to do the prince honour by visiting him, and was not to be subjected to the custom of slaves. So I walked on till I came to a place railed in, just under where he sat, where there was an ascent of three steps; and having there made him a reverence, to which he answered by bending his body, I went within the rails, where stood all the great men then in the town, holding their hands before them like slaves. This place, as mentioned before, was covered over-head by a rich canopy, and all the floor was spread with carpets. It resembled a large stage, and the prince sat on high, like a mock king in a theatre.

On entering, as I had no place assigned me, I went right forwards, and stood before him at the bottom of the three steps, on which stood his secretary, readily to convey to him any thing that is said or given. I told him that I was ambassador from the king of England to his father; and, while passing his residence, I could not but in honour visit his highness. He answered that I was welcome, and asked me many questions about the king my master, to which I gave fit answers. While standing in that manner at the foot of the steps, I asked leave to come up and stand beside him; but he said, even if the king of Persia, or Grand Turk, were there, such a thing could not be allowed. To this I replied, that I must be excused for believing he would, in such a case, come down and meet them at his gate; and that I required no higher privilege than was allowed to the ambassadors of these sovereigns, with whom I considered myself entirely equal. He declared I should have that privilege in all things. I then demanded to have a chair, to which it was answered, that no person was ever allowed to sit in that place, but I was desired to lean against a pillar covered over with silver, which supported the canopy.

I then requested his favour for an English factory to be established at Burhanpoor; which [[he]] readily granted, and gave immediate orders to the Buksh to draw up a firmaun, [[or]] license, for their coming and residence. I also requested an order for carriages for conveying the presents for the king his father, which he gave in charge to the Cutwall to see provided. I then made him a present, which he took in good part. After some other conference, he said, though I might not come up to where he then sat, he would go to another place, where I might come to him with less ceremony. But one part of the present I made him happened to be a case of cordials, of which he tasted so freely by the way, that after waiting some time, I heard he had made himself drunk, and one of his officers came to me with an excuse, desiring me to go home then, and come some other time to see him. But that very night I was taken ill of a fever.

The 27th of November, though, still sick, I was carried, from Burhanpoor three coss to Raypora; the 28th, fifteen coss to Burgome [Burgaw]; the 30th, seven coss;. December the 1st, ten coss to Bicangome; the 2nd, seven coss; the 3rd, five coss; the 4th, eleven coss to Ekbarpoor, which stands on a good river [the Nerbudda] which runs into the sea near Buroach. The 5th, I passed the river Nerbuddah. The 6th, I travelled eight coss and lay [[overnight]] in a wood, not far from the king's famous castle of Mandoa [Mundu], which stands on a steep hill, of great extent, the walls being fourteen coss in circuit, this castle being of wondrous extent and great beauty. The 7th, I proceeded ten coss; the 8th, eight coss; the 9th, ten coss; the 10th, twelve coss; the 11th, sixteen coss; the 12th, fourteen coss; the 13th, six coss; the 14th we halted to take rest. The 15th, six coss; the 16th, six coss; the 17th, twelve coss; the 18th, five coss, when we arrived at Cytor, where I was met by Mr. Edwards accompanied by Thomas Coryat, who had travelled to India on foot.

Cytor [Chitore] is an ancient town in ruins, situated on a hill, but shews the remains of wonderful magnificence. There are still standing above an hundred temples, all of carved stone, with many fair towers and domes, supported by many enriched pillars, and innumerable houses, but not a single inhabitant. The hill, or rock rather, is precipitous on all sides, having but one ascent cut out of the rock in a regular slope; in which ascent there are four several gates before reaching the gate of the city, which last is extremely magnificent. The top of the hill, about eight coss in circuit, is inclosed all round with walls, and at the southwest end, is a goodly old castle. I lodged close by a poor village at the foot of the hill.

This city stands in the country of the Rama,[192] a prince newly subdued by the Mogul, or rather brought to submit to pay tribute and acknowledge subjection; and Cytor was reduced by Akbar Shah, the father of Shah Jehan-Guire, the present king of the Moguls. This Hindoo raja is lineally descended from Porus, the valiant Indian sovereign who was conquered by Alexander the Great; so that I suppose this city to have been one of the ancient seats of Porus, though Delly, much farther north, is reported to have been the chiefest, a famous place, though now only in ruins. Near that stands a pillar erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a Greek inscription. The present Mogul and his ancestors, descendants of Tamerlane, have reduced all the ancient cities to ruin, dispeopling them and forbidding their restoration; I know not wherefore, unless that they would have no monuments of greatness remain, beyond their own commencement, as if they and the world were co-equals in antiquity.

The 19th I proceeded twelve coss on my journey; the 20th, ten coss; the 21st, ten coss; the 22nd, nine coss;  the 23rd ten coss, and arrived at Ajimere. The first six days' journeys from Burhanpoor towards Ajimere were west, or northwest, to get round the hills; but after that northwards, so that these two places bear nearly N. by W. and S. by E. from each other: the whole distance being 209 cosses,[193] which I judge to be 418 English miles; the cosses here being longer than near the sea.[194] On my arrival at Ajimere I was so ill as to keep my bed; but on the 10th January, 1616, at four in the afternoon, I went to the Durbar, which is the place where the Mogul sits in public daily to entertain strangers, to receive petitions and presents, to issue commands, and to see and be seen. Before proceeding to give an account of my reception, it may be proper to digress a little, that I may give some account of the customs of the court.

No men except eunuchs are permitted to come within the private lodgings or retiring rooms of the royal palace, within which his women keep guard with warlike weapons, and there likewise they execute justice upon each other for offences. Every morning, the Mogul comes to a window, called the jarneo,[195] which looks into the plain or open space before the palace-gate, where he shews himself to the common people. At noon he returns to the same place, where he sits some hours, amusing himself with seeing fights of elephants and other wild beasts, the men of rank then at court attending below within a railed space. He then retires to sleep within the female apartments. In the afternoon he comes to the before-mentioned Durbar. At eight in the evening, after supper, he comes down to a fair court, called the guzalcan, in the midst of which is a throne of freestone, on which he sits, yet sometimes below in a chair of state, at which time only men of high quality are admitted into the presence, and even of these only a few have that privilege, unless by special leave. He here discourses very affably on all subjects with those around him.

No business is transacted with him, concerning affairs of state and government, or respecting war and peace, but at one or other of these two last-mentioned places, where, after being publicly propounded and resolved upon, it is registered by attendant secretaries, and anyone who has the curiosity,may see the register for two shillings; insomuch that the common people know as much of the affairs of state as the ministers and counsellors of the king, and every day the king's acts and resolutions are circulated as news, and are freely canvassed and censured by every rascal. This course of proceeding is unchangeable, except when prevented by the sickness of the king, or in consequence of his getting drunk, which must always be known.

Thus, though all his subjects are slaves, he lives in a state of reciprocal bondage, being so tied to the observance of these hours and customs, that if he were unseen one day, and no sufficient excuse given, the people would mutiny; and no excuse will sanction his absence for two days, unless the gates are opened, and he be seen by some for the satisfaction of the rest. Every Tuesday, he sits in judgement at the jarneo,[196] where he attends to the complaints of his meanest subjects, listening patiently to both parties; and where likewise he sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, execution performed on offenders by his elephants. Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut adesses?

Before going to the durbar, I had required to be allowed the customs of my own country, which were freely granted. At the durbar, I was led directly before the king, at the entrance of an outer rail, where two noble slaves came to conduct me nearer. On entering the outer rail, I made a profound reverence, at my entry within an interior rail I made a second reverence, and a third when I came directly under where the king sat. The place in which the durbar is held is a great court, to which all sorts of people resort. The king sits in a small raised gallery; ambassadors, great men belonging to the court, and strangers of quality, are within the innermost rail directly under him, that space being raised from the ground, covered overhead with canopies of silk and velvet, and laid underfoot with good carpets. The meaner men, representing what we would call gentry, are within the outer rail; the common people being on the outside of all, in a base court, so that all may see the king.

The whole of this disposition hath much resemblance to theatrical representation. The king sitting as in a gallery, the great men raised as actors on a stage, and the vulgar below in a pit gazing at the show. The king, on my presentation, interrupted the dull formality of my interpreter, bidding me welcome to the brother of the king my master. I then delivered a translation of the king's letter, and then my commission, on both of which he looked curiously; and afterwards on my presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and with a seeming regard for my health, offered to send me his own physicians, advising me to keep [[to]] the house till I recovered strength, and that I should freely send to him in the meantime for anything I needed, with assurance that I should have whatever I desired. He dismissed me with more signs of grace and favour, if I were not flattered by the Christians, than ever were shewn to any ambassador from the Turks or Persians or any other nation.

On the 14th I sent to offer a visit to Sultan Churrum,[197] the third son of the Great Mogul, but first in favour. Hearing that he was an enemy to all Christians, I therefore feared some affront; yet he sent me word that I should be received with all due respect, and should have as much content as I had already from his father. This prince is lord of Surat, our chief residence in the empire, and his favour, therefore, was important for our affairs. I went accordingly to visit him on the 22nd at nine in the morning, at which time he sits in public, in the same manner as his father, to dispatch his business, and to be seen of his followers. His character was represented to me as naturally proud, so that I was in some fear for my reception; but on hearing of my arrival, instead of coming out to his public durbar, he sent one of his principal officers to conduct me into a good inner room, never before done to anyone. The officer here entertained me with discourse concerning my mission for half an hour, till the prince was ready; who now came forth and used me better than his promise.

I delivered him a present, but not in the name of his majesty, as it was too mean for that purpose; but excused the omission, by saying that my sovereign could not know of his being lord of Surat, which had been so lately conferred upon him; but I had no doubt the king of England would afterwards send him one more suited to his high rank, the one now presented being only sent by the English merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and protection. He received all in very good part. After stating some grievances and injuries suffered by the English at Surat from his governors, and of which I had forborne to complain to the king from respect to him, he promised me speedy and effectual justice, and to confirm our security in any way I might propose. He professed to be entirely ignorant of any past transactions there, as stated by me, except as informed by Asaph Khan; and especially denied having given any order for our dismissal, which the governor had falsely alleged, and for which he should dearly pay. He then dismissed me, full of hopes to have our decayed state and reputation rectified, making me a promise of an effectual firmaun for our trade and secure residence at Surat.

The 24th, I went again to the royal durbar to visit the king; who, on seeing me far off, beckoned with his hand, that I should not wait the ceremony of asking leave, but come up to him directly; and assigned me a place near himself, above all other men, which I afterwards thought fit to maintain. On this occasion I gave a small present; as it is the custom for all who have any business to give something, and those who cannot get near enough to speak, send in or hold up their gift, which he always accepts, be it only a rupee, and demands to know their business. He held the same course with me; for having looked curiously at my present, and asked many questions respecting it, he demanded to know what I wanted of him.

I answered that I wanted justice. For, on the assurance of his firmaun, which had been sent to England, the king my master had not only given leave to his subjects to make a long and dangerous voyage to his dominions with their goods, but had deputed me, as his ambassador and representative, to congratulate and compliment his majesty on the amity so happily commenced between two so mighty nations, and to confirm the same. Yet I found that the English who were settled at Ahmedabad, were injured and oppressed by the governor in their persons and goods, being fined, subjected to arbitrary exactions, and kept as prisoners; while at every town new customs were demanded for their goods on their passage to the port, contrary to all justice, and in direct contravention of the formerly conceded articles of trade, as contained in his majesty's firmaun.

To this he answered, that he was sorry to hear of such things, which should be immediately rectified; and he gave orders for two firmauns to be immediately extended according to my desire. By one of these, the governor of Ahmedabad was commanded to restore the money he had exacted from Mr. Kerridge, and to use the English in future with all favour. By the other, all customs required on any pretence by the way were abolished, and all such as had been taken was ordered to be restored. Finally, he desired me, if these gave not speedy and effectual remedy, that I should renew my complaint against the disobeyer, who should be sent for to answer for his conduct; and so dismissed me.

The 1st of March, I rode out to see a pleasure-house belonging to the king, two miles from Agimere, which had been given him by Asaph Khan. It was situated between two vast rocks, by which it was so sheltered that scarcely could the sun be anywhere seen. The foundations and some rooms were hewn out of the solid rock, the rest being built of freestone. Close adjoining was a handsome small garden, with fine fountains, with two great tanks or ponds of water, one being thirty steps higher than the other. The way to this retreat is so narrow that only two persons could go abreast, and is almost inaccessible, being very steep and stony. It is a place of much melancholy, yet of great security and delight, abounding in peacocks, turtle-doves, wild fowl, and monkeys, which inhabit the rocks impending on every side around.

The 2nd of March began the feast of Norose in the evening. This is the festival of the new year, the ceremonies of which begin on the first new moon after, which this year fell together. It is kept in imitation of the Persian feast of that cause, signifying in that language nine days, as anciently it continued only for that number; but these are now doubled. On this occasion, a throne is erected about four feet high in the durbar court; from the back of which, to the place where the king comes out from the inner apartments, a space of fifty-six paces long by forty-three broad is railed in, and covered over by semianes, or canopies, of cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silk, all joined over-head, and held up by canes covered with similar stuffs. At the upper or west end, were set out the pictures of the king of England, the queen, the Princess Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a citizen's wife of London. Below, there was a picture of Sir Thomas Smith, governor of the East India Company.

The whole floor was laid with rich Persian carpets of large size, and into this place come all the great men to wait upon the king, except a few, who were within a smaller railed space, right before the throne, appointed to receive his commands. Within this square there were set out many small houses, one of which was of silver, and other curiosities of value. On the left side, Sultan Churrum had a pavilion, the supporters of which were covered with silver, as were also some others of those near the king's throne. This was of wood and of a square form, inlaid with mother of pearl, resting on four pillars covered with cloth of gold; and overhead was a fringed drapery like a valance of net-work, all of real pearls, whence hung down pomegranates, apples, and pears, and other fruits, all of gold, but hollow.

Within that pavilion, the king sat on cushions, very rich in pearls and other jewels. All round the court before the throne, the principal men had tents or pavilions, mostly lined with velvet, damask, and taffety, and some few with cloth of gold, in which they were stationed, making shew of their wealth. Anciently, the kings used to go to every tent, taking away whatever pleased him best; but now the custom is changed, as the king remains on his throne, and receives there such new-year's gifts as are brought to him. He makes his appearance every day, and retires at the usual hours of the durbar; and in the interval all sorts of great gifts are made to him, which are very great and almost incredible, though not equal to report. At the close of this feast, in recompence for these gifts, the king advances some of his courtiers, making additions to their charges of horse, according to his pleasure.

On the 12th[198] I went to visit the king, and was brought immediately before him to deliver my present, which gave him much satisfaction. He then appointed me to come within the rail, that I might stand beside him; but not being allowed to step up on the raised platform on which the throne was placed, I could see little, as the railing was high, and covered with carpets. But I had permission to view the inner room at leisure; which, I must confess, was very rich, but consisted of so many articles, all unsuitable to each other, that it seemed patched work, rather than magnificent, as if it aimed to shew all; as if a lady, among her plate on a magnificent cupboard, should exhibit her embroidered slippers.

This evening, the son of the Raima, the new tributary formerly mentioned, was brought before the king, with much ceremony, being sent by his father with a present. After kneeling three times, and knocking his forehead on the ground, he was brought within the inner rail, when the king embraced his head. His gift was an Indian tray or voider full of silver, upon which was a carved silver dish full of gold. He was then conducted to pay his respects to the prince. This evening, some elephants were shewn, and some music girls sang and danced. --Sic transit gloria mundi.

The 13th at night, I went again to wait upon the king at the Guzalcan, at which is the best opportunity for transacting business, and took with me my Italian interpreter, determined to walk no longer in darkness, but to prove the king, as I had hitherto been delayed and refused on all hands. I was sent for in, along with my old broker, but my Italian was kept out, because Asaph Khan mistrusted I might say more than he was willing should come to the king's ears. On coming to the king, he appointed me a place to stand just before him, and sent to ask me many questions respecting the king of England, and about the present I had made him the day before. To some of these I made answers; but I at length said, that my interpreter was kept out, and as I could not speak Portuguese, I wanted the means of satisfying his majesty. On this, though much against the wish of Asaph Khan, my Italian interpreter was called in.

I then made him tell the king that I requested leave to speak to him, to which he answered, willingly. On this, the son-in-law of Asaph Khan pulled away my interpreter by force, and that faction so hemmed in the king, by gathering round him, that I could scarcely see his majesty, nor could my Italian approach. Upon this, I ordered the Italian to speak aloud, that I craved audience of the king; who immediately called me before him, and the others made way. Asaph Khan stood on one side of my interpreter, and I on the other: I to inform him what to say, and the other to awe him by winks and signs.

I desired him to say, that I had now been two months at court, one of which I had spent in sickness and the other in compliments, and had effected nothing of all on which I had been sent by the king my master; which was to conclude a firm and lasting treaty of peace and amity between the two sovereigns, and to establish a fair and secure trade and residence for my countrymen in his majesty's dominions. He answered that this was already granted. I replied, it was so; but that it still depended upon so slender a thread, and such weak conditions, as to be very uncertain in its continuance. That an affair of so high importance required an agreement dear and explicit in all points, and a more formal and authentic confirmation than it now had, by ordinary firmauns, which were merely temporary commands, and respected accordingly.

He asked me what presents we would bring him. To which I answered, the league was yet new and weak; that many curiosities were to be found in our country, of rare value, which the king of England would send; and that our merchants would search for such things in all parts of the world, if they were made sure of a quiet trade and secure protection on honourable conditions, having been hitherto subjected to manifold wrongs. He asked me what kind of curiosities I meant, and whether these were jewels or precious stones. To this I answered, that we did not deem such things fit to be sent back from Europe to India, of which he was the principal sovereign, as they were common here in India, and of much higher price with us in Europe; but that we would endeavour to find such things for his majesty as were rare and uncommon in his dominions; such as excellent specimens of painting, carving, enamelling, figures in brass, copper, and stone, rich embroideries, stuffs of gold and silver, and the like.

The king said that these things were all very well, but that he wished to have an English horse. I answered, that this was utterly impossible by sea, and that the Turks would not allow of any being sent by land. In reply, he said he thought it not impossible by sea; and, when I represented the dangers from storms, he said if six were sent in one ship, one of them surely might live, and though it came lean, it might be here made fat. I then told him, I feared it could not be done by so long a voyage; yet for his majesty's satisfaction, I should give due notice of his desire.

He then asked to know what were my demands. I answered, That his majesty would be pleased to sanction by his royal signature, certain reasonable conditions which I should propound, in confirmation of a league of peace and amity, and for the security of our nation in their residence and trade in his dominions; as they had hitherto been often wronged, and could not continue on their present terms, of which I forbore to make any specific complaint, because I hoped to procure amendment from his majesty. At these words, Asaph Khan offered to pull away my interpreter, but I held him fast, while Asaph Khan continued to make signs to him not to interpret my words.

On this the king became suddenly very angry, pressing to know who had wronged us, and seemed in such fury, that I was unwilling to follow it out, and spoke in broken Spanish to my interpreter, desiring him to say, That I would not trouble his majesty with what was past, but would seek justice of the prince his son, whose favour I doubted not to obtain. Not attending to what my interpreter said, but hearing the name of his son, the king mistakingly conceived I accused him; and hastily saying mio filio! mio filio! he called for the prince, who came in great fear, humbling himself. Asaph Khan trembled, and all those present were amazed.

He chid the prince roundly, and he excused himself. But as I perceived the king's error, I made both the king and prince understand the mistake, by means of a Persian prince who offered himself as interpreter, as my Italian understood Turkish better than Persian. By this means I appeased the king, saying that I in no respect accused the prince, but wished to inform his majesty that I should appeal to the prince's justice, in regard to the past wrongs our nation had suffered in those places which were under his government. The king then commanded the prince, that he should give as effective justice. In his justification, the prince said that he had already offered me a firmaun, which I had refused. The king asked me the reason of this

To which I answered, that I humbly thanked the prince, but he knew that it contained a condition I could not accept; and besides, that I wished to propound our own demands, in which I would insert all the desires of the king my master at once, that I might not daily trouble his majesty and the prince with complaints. And, when the conditions on both sides were mutually agreed upon, I would reciprocally bind my sovereign, to mutual offices of friendship, and to such reasonable conditions for the benefit of his majesty's subjects as he might propose; all of which being drawn up in tripartite, I hoped his majesty would graciously sign one, his son the prince another, and I would confirm the third in the name of my sovereign, in virtue of my commission.

The king pressed to know what was the condition in the prince's firmaun which I had refused, which I stated. So we fell into earnest dispute before the king, with some heat. Mukrob Khan interposed, saying he was advocate for the Portuguese, and spoke slightingly of us, alleging that the king ought to grant no articles to us that were unfavourable for them. I answered, that I did not propose any against them, but only in our own just defence, and that I had not conceived he was so great a friend to the Portuguese. On this the Jesuit and all the Portuguese faction struck in, so that I explained myself fully concerning them; and as I offered a conditional peace, so I valued the friendship of the Portuguese at a very low rate, and their enmity at a still lower. After some time, having explained my demands, the king said my proposals were just and my resolution noble, and bade me clearly propound the conditions I desired. Asaph Khan, who had stood silent during all this debate, and who now wished to end it, as we were warm, now interposed, saying, If we talked all night, it could only come to this at last, that I should draw my demands in writing and present them; which, if found reasonable, would be granted by the king.

The king said he certainly would do so; and at my request the prince engaged to do so likewise. The king then rose to go away, but on my request he turned round, and I desired my interpreter to say, That I came the day before to see his majesty and his greatness, and the ceremonies of the feast, on which occasion I was placed behind him, in an honourable place certainly, but where I could not see around; and therefore humbly requested his majesty would be pleased to let me stand on the platform beside his throne. In answer to this, he commanded Asaph Khan to let me choose my own place in future.

In the morning of the 14th, I sent a messenger to Asaph Khan, lest he or the prince might have misunderstood me, by reason of the king's mistake, and had supposed I had complained against either of them, which I did not, neither did I so intend; yet I was willing to let them see that I did not entirely depend upon Asaph Khan, by whom I had hitherto done my business with the king; but, if he should continue his manner of only delivering to the king what he himself pleased, and not what I said, I would find another way. My message was intended to clear up any such doubts, if they remained, and to entreat he would move the prince to favour my demands respecting our residence and trade at Surat. His answer was, that neither the prince nor he had any reason to suspect I intended to complain against them, the error being sufficiently obvious; and that, for his part, he had ever been disposed to favour the English, and would so continue.

The 15th I went again in the evening to see the ceremonies of the Norose; and according to the Mogul's order, I chose my place of standing on his right hand, and on the raised platform, the prince and the son of the Ranna standing on the other side. I here had a full view of every thing that was to be seen; viz. the presents, and the exhibition of the elephants, horses, and dancing girls.

The 23rd, the Mogul condemned one of his own nation on suspicion of felony; but as he was one of the handsomest men in India, and the proof was not very clear against him, instead of condemning him to death, he sent him in irons to me as a slave, to be disposed of as I pleased. This was looked upon as a great favour, and I accordingly returned thanks, yet added that we had no slaves in England, not thinking it lawful to make the image of God like unto a beast, but that I should employ him as a servant, and should restore him to liberty if he behaved well. The king was well pleased with this message.

I went to the Guzalcan on the 26th, and in it delivered the articles which I had drawn up, which were referred to Asaph Khan for his consideration and report. Some time after, Asaph Khan sent a message desiring me to remove from the place I occupied near the king, because I stood alone, which was not the custom. I refused at the first; but, as he still insisted I should rank myself among the nobles, I removed to the other side, where the prince and young Ranna were. This still more displeased Asaph Khan, who persuaded the prince to complain of me to the king, which he did. On hearing their complaint and my answer, that I had changed my place by order of Asaph Khan, the Mogul said I had done well, and they were wrong to pretend to displace me. So I kept my place in quiet. The following is the substance of the articles delivered to the Great Mogul, which were delayed and opposed: But the conclusion respecting them will be seen hereafter.

Proposed Articles of Treaty, between the Great Mogul and the King of Great Britain.

1. There shall be perpetual peace and amity between the king of Great Britain and his majesty the emperor of India. --2. The subjects of England shall have free trade in all the ports of India. --3. The governors of all sea ports shall make public proclamation of this agreement three several times, upon the arrival of any English ships .--4. The English merchants and their servants shall not be liable to search, or to any ill usage. --5. No presents sent to the Mogul shall be opened. --6. The goods belonging to the English shall not be stopped more than twenty-four-hours at the custom-houses; where they shall only be sealed, and sent to the house or factory of the merchants, to be there opened and rated within six days afterwards. --7. No governor shall take any goods by force, nor unless upon payment at the owner's price; neither shall any be taken away under pretence of being for the king's service. --8. The English merchants shall not be hindered from selling their goods to whom they please, nor from sending them to other factories; neither shall they pay any more in this case than has been already paid at the port of entry. --9. Whatever goods the English may purchase in any part of the dominions of the Mogul, shall be allowed to be transmitted to the ports, without any hindrance or molestation, and shall pay no other duty than may be agreed upon at the port of shipping. --10. No goods already entered at a port shall be again opened, the English shewing a certificate of their numbers, qualities, and conditions, from the governor or other proper officers of the place where they were purchased. --11. No confiscation shall be made of the goods or money belonging to any of the English who may die in India. --12. No duties shall be demanded for provisions purchased during the stay of English ships at any of the ports. --13. The servants of the English merchants, whether English or natives, shall not be punished or beaten for doing their duty. --14. The Mogul shall cause any governor or officer to be punished for the breach of any of these articles. --15. The English ships shall permit all others to pass and repass freely, to and from the ports in the dominions of the Mogul, except those of their enemies with whom they are at war; and the English, while ashore, shall conduct themselves quietly and peaceably, as merchants. --16. The English shall yearly furnish the Mogul with all such European rarities, and other things, as he may desire, and at reasonable rates. --17. The English shall pay duty on their commodities, reasonably rated, at three and a half per cent and two per cent on rials of eight or money, and shall not be liable to any other duty or exaction whatsoever. --18. The English shall be ready to assist the Great Mogul against all his enemies. And, lastly, the Portuguese shall be admitted to come into this peace within six months; or, if they refuse, the English shall be at liberty to exercise all hostilities against them.

On the 31st of March, the Great Mogul dined at the house of Asaph Khan; all the way from the palace, which was an English mile, being laid under foot with silks and velvet sewed together, but rolled up as the king passed. It was reported that this feast, and the present made on the occasion, cost six lacks of rupees, which amount to £60,000 sterling.[199]

I received intelligence on the 26th April, that the prince had made one of his servants ask the king at the durbar wherefore he gave so great countenance to the English as to banish the Portuguese from Surat, who brought much more profit to the king in rubies, pearls, and other jewels, while the English came there only in search of profit by the sale of cloths, swords, knives, and other articles of small value. The king acknowledged that this was true, yet could not be mended. By this the affections of the prince were made sufficiently manifest, and I had fair warning to be on my guard, that I might study to preserve ourselves in the good graces of the king, in which only we could be safe. I resolved, however, to take no notice of this, except by endeavouring to give the prince a better opinion of our nation.

On the 22nd of May I went to the king at the durbar, to solicit his authority to get back a youth named Jones, who had run away from me to an Italian, who protected him, to the disgrace of our nation, by using the king's name. The king gave me an order for his delivery; but the prince, who awaited every opportunity to injure us, for the sake of his favourite, Zulphecar Khan, moved the king in private to send for the youth first, to the Guzalcan, which was done. I had newly broken off from conferring with the prince, on account of his partiality to Zulphecar Khan, and had sent him word that I would no longer refrain from stating our grievances to the king in person, which was the cause of his enmity towards me.

When Jones was brought before the king, being instigated by the protection and countenance of the prince, he railed against me to my face, with the most virulent malice, beseeching the king to save his life; on which the king resolved not to deliver him up to me, but to send him as a prisoner to Surat. But the prince, to brave me, begged to have him for a servant, as the fellow had renounced his country; on which the king did so, in spite of every thing I could allege. On this the prince gave him 150 rupees, with the pay of two horsemen, and commanded me not to meddle with him.

On the night of the 23rd, Jones came and threw himself at my feet, asking pardon for his lies and mad behaviour. I told him I would not now keep him prisoner, as he was the prince's servant; but I would not give him any answer till he had made public reparation for his misbehaviour, as far as he could. Accordingly, on the next day, he contrived to get to the Guzalcan, and there asked pardon of the king for the lies he had spoken against me, denying every word he had then spoken, alleging he had done so to protect himself against me, whom he had offended, and prayed the king to send for me, that he might ask my pardon in public. The king was well pleased, but the prince fell into a rage. I went to the Guzalcan on the 25th, when the king protested he never believed what Jones had said against me, and that he considered him a villain, yet could not but protect him, as he had cast himself on his mercy.

Jones was sent for, and asked my pardon on his knees, declaring on oath to the king that he had in every thing belied me, and that he now made this declaration in a voluntary manner, as he durst not return to his country. The king chid him a little, saying to me that neither he nor any good man could believe such a slanderer. The prince grew angry, and endeavoured to make Jones stand to what he had said formerly against me; and as Jones refused, the prince basely desired him to restore the 150 rupees he had received for bearing witness against me. Jones promised to return the money, for which purpose an under-treasurer was sent along with him to the house in which he lodged, as I would not suffer him to come to mine.

I was forced to seem content, having no way to seek redress, as I had no presents to give, and the king never listens to any request unless well backed, and will even demand it in plain terms, of which the prince takes advantage, urging that the Portuguese bring rich jewels, rubies, and pearls, and treating our English commodities with great scorn. On the 29th of May the Portuguese were admitted to the king with a present, and to sell a ballass ruby, which was said to weigh thirteen toles, two and a half of these being equal to an ounce.[200] For this they asked five lacks of rupees, but the king only offered one lack. Asaph Khan also was an advocate for the Portuguese, who made him a present of jewels. They had many rich rubies, ballasses, emeralds, pearls, and other jewels for sale, with which they so much gratified the king and his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed.

The prince and the Jesuit fell out about presenting them, which the prince desired, but it had been promised before to Asaph Khan. I had formerly judged concerning the credit of the Portuguese at court by report, but I now experienced the difference between them and us; for they were sought after by all, while they only bought our commodities as it were by way of giving us charity. Besides, the Portuguese had an advantage over us in consequence of their establishments in the neighbourhood, by which they could hinder trade into the Red Sea, being always more at hand to do harm than we, who are only entertained out of a little fear, while our trade and commodities are little cared for.

===========
[Footnote 183: Purch. Pilgr. I. 535. Churchill's Collect. I. 617.]
[Footnote 184: Sultan Chesuro appears to have been the eldest son of Jehanguire, but held in confinement for having endeavoured to supplant his father in the succession, and Churrum seems only to have been the third son.--E.]
[Footnote 185: This expression is rather ambiguous, as the ratifications of such papers in India were by the seals of the princes, and not what we understand by the term used in the text--E.]
[Footnote 186: It has not been thought necessary to insert the substance of this treaty as contained in the Annals, as it is given in the Journal.--E.] "The dispatches of Sir Thomas, of this year, concluded with recommending to the Company, as a commercial speculation, to send out annually a large assortment of all kinds of toys, which would find a ready sale at the great festival of Noroose [the new year] in the month of March.
[Footnote 187: Though not so expressed in the Annals, this appears to have been a fortified house; as, on an occasion, when Surat was taken and plundered by an armed force belonging to Sevagee, the first sovereign of the Mahrattas, the English were able to defend their factory from injury.--E.]
[Footnote 188: In this journal the names of places are exceedingly corrupted, and often unintelligible. Such as admitted of being corrected, from the excellent map of Hindoostan, by Arrowsmith, have their proper names placed within brackets.--E.]
[Footnote 189: In the miserable map of Hindoostan, accompanying this journal in the Pilgrims, this prince is called Partap-sha.--E.]
[Footnote 190: The particulars of the journey in the text amount to 214 miles.--E.]
[Footnote 191: Perhaps Babaderpore, but it is twelve or fifteen miles short of Burhanpoor.--E.]
[Footnote 192: This is probably an error of the press in the Pilgrims for the Ranna.--E.]
[Footnote 193: The particulars in the text only amount to 200 cosses; but the extent of one day's journey is omitted, which may explain the difference.--E.]
[Footnote 194: The coss at Surat is repeatedly explained, in Purchas and Churchill, to be 1-1/2 English mile, while that of Hindoostan proper is rated at two miles.--E.]
[Footnote 195: in subsequent passages, this is called the Jarruco.--E.]
[Footnote 196: This place, formerly described as a window looking to the esplanade in front of the palace, called jarneo in Purchas, is called jarruco in Churchill.--E.]
[Footnote 197: In the Pilgrims, this prince is uniformly named Corone; but the name in the text has been adopted from the authority of Dow's History of Hindoostan. He succeeded to his father in 1627, when he assumed the name of Shah Jehan; and was, in 1659, dethroned and imprisoned by his third son, the celebrated Aurungzebe, who assumed the name of Alumguire.--E.]
[Footnote 198: It may be proper to observe that Churchill's edition gives the commencement of this festival on the 11th, and says Sir Thomas went to the durbar next day.--E.]
[Footnote 199: According to Thevenot, a lack contains 100,000 rupees, and a rupee is a French crown and five sols. At which rate, the six lacks must amount at least to £150,000 sterling.--Churchill.
The editor of Churchill's Collection must here have been mistaken [[about]] he French crowns alluded to by Thevenot. The rupees in India are various, and consequently differ in their value; but two shillings may be assumed as a fair average, in which case the computation in the text is quite correct.--E.]
[Footnote 200: This must be an enormous exaggeration, or error, as in this case the ruby would have weighed 5 1-5th ounces.--E.]