Volume 9, Chapter 11, Section 6f -- Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from King James I, to Shah Jehanguire, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan, part 6

§6. Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the King's Leskar, and some Places through which he passed; with instances of the King's Superstition and Drunkenness, and some curious Incidents respecting a Present.

The 25th of November I removed four cosses from Agimere, but waited during the remainder of that month for the arrival of a caravan going from Agra to Surat, by which I might transmit my papers in safety. The caravan departed from Agimere at midnight of the 30th November: and on the 1st December I went six cosses to Ramsor, where the king had left the naked bodies of an hundred men, put to death for robbery.

The 2nd I travelled seven coss. I rested the 3rd, because of rain. The 4th I went five coss, and this day I overtook a camel, laden with 300 heads, sent from Candahar to the king; the people to whom these heads had belonged having been in rebellion. Travelling five coss on the 5th, and four coss on the 6th, I that day overtook the king at a walled town called Todah, in the best and most populous country I had seen in India since I landed. The district was quite level, having a fertile soil, abounding in corn, cotton, and cattle, and the villages were so numerous and near together, as hardly to exceed a coss from each other in any direction.

This town was the best built of any I had seen in India, many of the houses being two stories high, and most of them good enough for decent shop-keepers, all covered with tiles. It had been the residence of a Rajput rajah, before the conquests of Akbar Shah, and stood at the foot of a great and strong rock, about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks, arched over with well-turned vaults, and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove, two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad, all planted with mangoes, tamarinds, and other fruit-trees, divided by shady walks, and interspersed with little temples and idol altars, with many fountains, wells, and summer-houses of carved stone curiously arched, so that I must confess a poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell here.

But this observation may serve universally for the whole of this country: that ruin and devastation operates everywhere; for since the property of all has become vested in the king, no person takes care of anything, so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear, and nowhere is anything repaired.

On the 7th the king only removed from one side of Todah to the other. The 8th I was at the guzalcan, but found the king so nearly drunk, that he became entirely so in half an hour, so that I could not have any business with him. The 9th I took a view of the royal leskar, or camp, which is one of the greatest wonders I had ever seen, and chiefly as I saw it finished and set up in less than four hours, all except the tents of some of the great men, who have double suits.

It could not well be less in circuit than twenty English miles, the extent in some directions being three cosses, including the out-skirts. In the middle, where the streets are orderly and the tents joined, there are all sorts of shops, so regularly disposed that all persons know where to go for anything they want. Every man of quality, and every trade, is regularly appointed how far they are to be from the king's tents, in what direction, and what ground they shall occupy, which continues ever the same without alteration. All this may equal almost any town in Europe for size.

But no person must approach on any side within a musket shot of the atoskanha, or royal quarter, which is so strictly observed that no one is ever admitted but by name. The evening durbar is omitted, the time being spent by the king in hunting or hawking rather, on tanks, by means of boats, in which he takes great delight, his barges being moved along with the leskar on carts. On these occasions he sits by the sides of the tanks, to view the sport, these tanks being often a mile or two over.

The king is seen every morning at the jaruco, formerly mentioned; but business or speaking to him at this time is prohibited; all business being conducted at night in the guzalcan, and there the opportunity is often missed, his majesty being so frequently overcome by drowsiness, proceeding from drunkenness.

There was now a whisper about the court of a new affinity between Sultan Cuserou and Asaph Khan, and great hope was entertained of the prince recovering his liberty. I will find an opportunity to discourse of this hereafter, because the particulars are worthy of being preserved, as the wisdom and goodness of the king were manifest above the malice of others: And in this affair, Noormahal made good the observation, that women have always great influence in court factions; and she shewed that they are not incapable of managing business.

This history will discover a noble prince, an excellent wife, a faithful counsellor, a crafty step-mother, an ambitious son, a cunning favourite; all reconciled by a patient king, whose heart was not understood by any of them all. But this will require a separate place,[209] as not fit to be mingled with matters of ordinary business. At this time the English complained of being ill used at Surat; but their drunkenness, and riotous behaviour proceeding from that cause, were so notorious, that it was rather wonderful they were not all put to death.

The 16th of December I visited the king, who was just returned from his sports, having all his game laid out before him, both fish and fowl. He desired me to take my choice, and then distributed all the rest among his nobles. I found him sitting on his throne, having a beggar at his feet, a poor silly old man, all in rags and ashes, attended on by a young one. The country abounds in these professed poor and holy men, who are held in great reverence and who, in voluntary sufferings and mortified chastisements of their bodies, exceed all the boasted performances of heretics and idolaters in all ages and countries.

With this miserable wretch, who was clothed in rags, crowned with feathers, and covered, with filth, his majesty conversed for about an hour, with such kindness as shewed a humility not common among kings. All this time the beggar sat before the king, which is not even permitted to his son. The beggar gave the king as a present, a cake made by himself of coarse grain, burnt on the coals, and all foul with ashes; which yet the king accepted, broke off a piece and ate it, which a dainty person would hardly have done. He then wrapt up the rest in a clout, and put it into the poor man's bosom, and sending for 100 rupees, he poured them into the beggar's lap, gathering up with his own hands any that fell past, and giving them to him.

When his collation or banquet was brought in, whatsoever he took to eat, he gave half of to the beggar. Rising, after many humiliations and charities, and the old wretch not being nimble, he took him up in his arms, though a dainty person would have scrupled to touch him, and embraced him three times, laying his hand on his heart and calling him father, and so left him, all of us greatly admiring such virtue in a heathen prince. This I mention with emulation and sorrow; wishing, as we have the true vine, that we should not produce bastard grapes, or that this zeal in an unbeliever were guided by the true light of the gospel.

The 23rd, being about three cosses short of a city called Rantepoor [Rantampoor], where it was supposed the king would rest, and consult what way to take in his farther progress, he suddenly turned off towards Mundu, but without declaring his purpose. I am of opinion, he took this way for fear of the plague at Agra, rather than from any purpose of being near the army; for we only marched every other day no more than four cosses, and with such a train of baggage as was almost impossible to be kept in any degree of order.

The 26th we passed through woods and over mountains, torn with bushes and tired by the incommodiousness of an almost impassable way, in which many camels perished; and many persons, wearied of these difficulties, went away to Agra, and all complained. In this laborious day's march, I lost my tents and carts, but by midnight I again fell in with them. The king now rested two days, as the leskar could not again recover its order in less time; many of the king's women, and thousands of camels, carts, and coaches, being left in the woody mountains, where they could neither procure food nor water. The king himself got through upon a small elephant, which beast can climb up rocks, and get through such difficult passes, that no horse or other animal I have seen can follow. The 29th we encamped beside the river Chambet [Chumbull].

The first of January, 1617, I complained to Asaph Khan of the injuries offered to the English at Surat, though I was at the same time much perplexed by various relations, giving me a bad account of the disorderly and outrageous behaviour of my countrymen. Asaph Khan advised me not to carry my complaint to the king, which would incense the prince; but desired me to ask leave of his majesty to go to visit Sultan Churrum, with a letter from him recommending the dispatch of my business, and good usage to our nation; so that, carrying a present to the prince, I should please both, and succeed in my business.

This was the same plan I had already formed, and therefore pleased me the better; more especially as the king now certainly designed to go forwards to Mundu, which is only eight days journey from Burhanpoor, where the prince was; and I thought I might as well ride over to him, as remain idle in the fields. At noon this day I visited the Persian ambassador, being the first time we had leisure for this ceremony, and was received by him with much respectful civility. After compliments on both sides were over, I proposed to him the settlement of trade in his master's dominions, which he engaged to promote as much as lay in his power. He gave me a banquet of bad fruit, but being a good fellow, it went off well, and he outdid in courtesy everything I had met with in India.

He railed loudly against the court, and the king's officers and council, using most unusual liberty. He offered to be my interpreter, desiring that I might pitch my tents beside his, and he would impart whatever I thought proper to the king. When about to part, after long discourse, he pressed me to accept a horse with handsome furniture, which was brought to the door, but I refused. He then sent for nine pieces of Persian silks, and nine bottles of wine, that I might not depart without some testimony of his love, but these also I refused to accept, with many protestations of affectionate regard. I observed him looking earnestly at my sword, which I offered to give him; but, following my example, he refused.

At night I visited the king, who spent his time sadly with an old man, after reading long letters, and few spoke with him. At his rising, he presented to this person, who was a cripple from age, 5000 rupees, and took his leave of him with many embraces. I here again met the Persian ambassador, who, after some compliments, repenting that he had refused my sword, and having a liking to it, now asked it from me, saying that such liberty among friends was reckoned good manners in his country. We continued to remove four or five coss every other day, and came on the 7th to the goodly river Shind.

The 18th, the king passed through between two mountains, the road having been cut through the woods, but with so much trouble and difficulty, and so much encumbrance to the baggage, that it was left behind, without provisions for man and beast. This day likewise I lost my tents and baggage, but found them again at midnight, having been obliged till then to take up my lodging under a tree. This part of the country is much infested by thieves, and is hardly under obedience to government, except so far as it is kept under by force.

It belongs to a rajah, who has no desire to see the king. The exactor complained, and some few of the people that fled, being taken, were chained by the neck and brought before the king, all the rest having fled into the mountains. At night the king caused the town near which he was encamped to be set on fire, appointing a new governor, with orders to re-build and new-people the town, and to reduce the district under more regular government and better civilization. He left a party of horse with the new governor, to enable him to perform this service.

On the 20th, the people who had fled to the mountains, being enraged at the burning of their town, set upon a number of stragglers who had been left behind, killing many of them, and plundering the rest. The 22nd, having no accounts of the presents I expected from Surat, I went at night to visit the king, to observe how he might receive me. I found him seated in an unusual manner, so that I knew not what place to occupy, and not willing to mix among the great men, as was offered me, and doubting whether I might go into the apartment where the king was, which was cut down in the bank of a river, I went to the brink and stood alone.

There were none near the king, except Etiman Dowlet his father-in-law, Asaph Khan, and three or four others. The king observed me, and having allowed me to stay a while, he called me in with a gracious smile, and pointed with his hand for me to stand beside him, a favour so unusual that it pleased and honoured me, and of which I soon experienced the good effects, in the behaviour of the great men of the court. He led me to talk with him, and when I called for an interpreter, he refused it, pressing me to use such Persian words as I had learnt. Our discourse, in consequence, had not much sense or coherence, yet he was pleased with it, and shewed his approbation in a very courteous manner.

On the 24th of January, news came to court that the Deccaners were not to be frightened out of their dominions, as had been pretended by Asaph Khan and Noormahal, on purpose to persuade the king into this expedition. For they had sent off all their baggage and other impediments into the interior of their country, and lay upon the frontiers with 50,000 horse, resolved to fight in defence of their dominions; while Sultan Churrum had hitherto advanced no farther than Mundu, afraid both of the enemy and Khan Khana.

The king's councellors now changed their advice, declaring that they expected the Deccaners would have been so alarmed by his majesty's passage over the last hills, as to have submitted at the terror of his approach; and as they now found the contrary, they advised the king to convert his journey into a hunting excursion, and to turn his course towards Agra, as the Deccaners were not worthy of exposing his sacred person. He answered, that this consideration came now too late, as his honour was engaged by having advanced so far, and he was resolved to prosecute their former advice and his own purpose, whatever might be the hazard. He now daily dispatched fresh troops to reinforce the army of his son Churrum, partly from his own followers, and the rest commanded from different governments.

These reinforcements were said to be 30,000 horse, but the actual musters were not so numerous. Water was sometimes very scarce in camp, and provisions grew daily scarcer and dearer, the part of the country in which we now were not being well reduced to good government. Not feeling these distresses, the king took no care to have them alleviated; and as his khans, or great men, had their provisions brought after them, they neglected to inform the king. The whole burden fell upon strangers, the soldiers, and the poor followers of the camp, who were worst able to endure the hardships. Every alternate day, as formerly, the king removed his camp, three, four, or five cosses; yet on the 29th of January, we were still sixty cosses short of Mundu.

On the 3rd of February, having left the road of the leskar for my own ease, and for the benefit of the shade, and while resting me under a tree, Sultan Cuserou came upon me suddenly, seeking the same conveniences. This is the king's eldest son, formerly mentioned as in confinement by the practices of his brother Churrum and his faction, and taken out of their hands by the king at his leaving Agimere. He was now riding on an elephant, with no great guard or attendance. His people called out to me to give place to the prince, which I did, yet I staid to look at him, and he called on me to approach; and, after asking some familiar and civil questions, I departed.

His person is comely, his countenance chearful, and his beard hung down as low as his middle. This I noticed, by his questions, that he seemed quite ignorant of all that passed at court, insomuch that he had never heard of any English, or of me their ambassador. The 4th and 5th we continued our march without halting, and on the 6th at night, we came to a little tower, newly repaired, where the king pitched his tent in a pleasant place, on the banks of the river Sepra, one coss short of the city of Ugen [Oojain], the chief city of Malwa.

This place, called Callenda, was anciently a seat of the Gentoo kings of Mundu, one of whom was there drowned while drunk. He had once before fallen into the river, and was taken out by the hair of his head, by a person who dived for him. When he came to himself, it was told him how he had been saved from drowning, in hopes of having the slave rewarded. He called his deliverer before him, and asking how he dared to be so bold as to touch his sovereign's head, caused his hands to be cut off. Not long afterwards, while sitting drunk beside his wife, and no other person near, he had the same misfortune to tumble into the water, at which time she might easily have saved him, but did not. Being afterwards asked why she had not, she said she knew not but she likewise might have had her hands cut off for her reward.

The 10th we removed one coss beyond Oojain; and on the 11th, the king rode to that city, to speak with a dervise, or holy man, who dwelt upon a hill, and was reported to be 300 years old, but I did not think this miracle worth my examination. At noon this day, I received news by a foot-post that the prince, notwithstanding all the firmauns and commands of his father, had intercepted the presents and goods on their way up, to satisfy his own base and greedy inclinations; and no entreaty, gifts, or persuasions that Mr Terry could offer, who had the charge of them, could prevail on him to part with them, and he compelled them by force to follow him towards Burhanpoor. Yet he forbore to break open the packages, but pressed the English to consent, which they refused by my orders, and he thought to win them to his purpose by vexatious usage. For it is the custom in this country, for the great men to see all merchant goods before even the king, that they may chuse first; but I resolved, if possible, to break that bad custom, in our behalf.

That he might satisfy his own cupidity, the prince sent up a courier to the king, before I could get intelligence, giving notice of having detained the goods, but without mentioning that they were presents, and requested his authority to have them opened, that he might purchase what he fancied. This faithless proceeding of the prince, contrary to his promise and his own written orders, satisfied me that I was justifiable in the eyes of all, if I carried my complaint directly to the king, having used every possible means to procure favour from the prince, and having already suffered beyond the patience of a free-born man; so that I must now be blameless by using rougher means, having already fruitlessly proved all smoother expedients.

I therefore resolved to appeal for justice, by complaint to the king in person, yet as calmly and warily as possible. I feared to go to Asaph Khan on this occasion, lest he might oppose my purpose, yet thought my neglect of him might be displeasing; wherefore, if I sent to acquaint him that I proposed to visit the king at the guzalcan, I dreaded he might suspect my purpose, if he had learnt the injury I meant to complain of. For all which reasons, I considered how best to avoid being counteracted.

The visit of the king to the dervise, just mentioned, gave me a good opportunity, and my new linguist, who was a Greek I had sent for from Agimere, being ready, I rode out to meet the king, who was returning from the holy man on his elephant. On his majesty's approach, I alighted, and made a sign that I wished to speak to the king, who immediately turned his monster towards me, and prevented me, by saying, "My son has taken your goods and my presents; be not therefore sad, for he shall not touch nor open a lock or a seal; for at night I shall send him an order to set them free."

He made other gracious speeches, intimating that he knew I had come brim-full of complaints, and that he had spoken first to ease me. At this time, seeing that the king was on the road, I could do no more; but at night, without farther seeking to Asaph Khan, I went to the guzalcan, determined to proceed with my complaints, to get back my goods, and to seek redress for the charges, troubles, and abuses at Surat, and all our other grievances.

As soon as I came in, the king called my interpreter before him; and, by means of his own, intimated that he had already dispatched his orders so effectually, that not even to the value of a hair should be abstracted from our goods. In reply, I stated that the injuries, charges, and abuses we suffered from the prince's officers, were so numerous and intolerable as could not be endured, and that I craved effectual redress. To this it was answered, that I must apply to his son for all past matters; but I could obtain nothing except fair words, through the intermediation of Asaph Khan, so that I was forced to seem satisfied, and to seek opportunities as might be for redress, when this false friend and pretended advocate was out of the way.

The good king fell at length to dispute about the laws of Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet; and, being in drink, turned lovingly to me, saying, "As I am a king, you shall be all welcome, Christians and Jews as well as Mahometans, for I meddle not with their faiths; they all come in love, and I will protect them from wrong while they are under my dominion, and no one shall be allowed to molest or oppress them." This he frequently repeated, but being extremely drunk, he fell a-weeping, and into various passions, and so kept us till midnight.

Any one may easily conceive how much I was now disconcerted by the unjustifiable conduct of the factors, who had detained the presents for four months at Surat, and now sent them to fall into the hands of the prince, who was then within two days march of Burhanpoor, by which my trouble was infinitely increased. But having now begun, and suspecting that the prince was already sufficiently exasperated upon matters of small importance, I thought I might as well lose his favour upon great as small matters, so I resolved to try what I could do with the king; and while I waited the result, I sent back the messenger to Mr. Terry, who was with the presents, desiring him to remain firm, waiting for the king's ultimate orders, which I should send him soon.

During this interval, the king had caused the chests to be privately brought to him, and had opened them, which came to my knowledge, on which I determined to express my dissatisfaction at this usage; and having obtained an audience, I made my complaint. He received me with much mean flattery, more unworthy even of his high rank than the action he had done, which I suppose he did to appease me, as seeing by my countenance that I was highly dissatisfied. He began by telling me that he had found some things that pleased him much, particularly two embroidered cushions, or sweet-bags, a folding glass cabinet, and the mastiff dogs, and desired me not to be discontented, for whatever I was not disposed to give him, he would return.

I answered, that most of these things were intended for his majesty, but that it was a great indignity to the king my master thus to seize upon what was meant to be presented, and not permitted to come through my hands, to whom they were sent in the first place. I added that besides what were destined for his majesty, some of these things were intended for Noormahal, some for the prince, and the rest to remain in my hands, to serve as occasion might require, to bespeak his majesty's favour to protect us from injuries daily offered to us by strangers, and some for my friends, or my own use, while the rest belonged to the English merchants, with which I had no concern.

He desired me not to be grieved that he had thus got his own choice, as he had not patience to forbear from seeing them, in which he did me no wrong, as he believed I wished him to be served first, and that he would make satisfaction to the king my master, to whom he would justify me. As for the prince and Noormahal, they were all one with himself. As to bringing any presents hereafter to procure his favour, I might be easy on that score, as it was merely a needless ceremony, for I should be always welcome to come to him empty-handed, and he would hear me, as it was not my fault, and he would see me righted at all times. That he would return me some things to enable me to go to his son, and he would pay the merchants for such things as belonged to them. He concluded by desiring me not to be angry with the freedom he had taken, as he meant well. As I made no reply, he pressed to know if I were pleased, to which I answered, that his majesty's satisfaction must always please me.

He then began to enumerate all the things he had taken, beginning with the mastiffs, embroidered sweet bags, the case of combs and razors, and so forth; saying, with a smile, "You would not have me to restore these things, and I am delighted with them?" To which I answered in the negative. He then mentioned two glass-cases, as mean and ordinary, asking me for whom they were intended. I answered, that one was intended for his majesty, and the other for Noormahal. "Why then," said he, "you will not ask me for that I have, but will be satisfied with one?" To this I was under the necessity of yielding.

He next asked for whom certain hats were intended, which his women liked. I answered, that three were for his majesty, and one for myself. He then said, I surely would not take back those meant for him, and that he would return mine if I needed it; and would not bestow it upon him. To this likewise I had to agree. He then asked, whose were the pictures? I answered, that they were sent me to use as occasion offered, and to dispose of as my business might require. So he called for these, and caused them to be opened, examining me about the women, and other little questions, asking my judgment and opinions concerning them.

The third was a picture of Venus leading a satyr by the nose. Commanding my interpreter not to tell me what he said on this subject, he shewed it about among his nobles, asking them to expound its moral or interpretation, pointing out the satyr's horns and black skin, and many other particulars. Everyone answered according to his fancy; but, liking none of their expositions, he reserved his own opinion to himself, and commanding that all these notions should be concealed from me, he ordered the interpreter to ask me what it meant. I answered, that it was an invention of the painter, to shew his art, and that it represented some poetical fable, which was all I could say, having never seen it before. He then called upon Mr. Terry to give his opinion, who could not; on which the king asked him why he brought up with him an invention in which he was ignorant? On this I interposed, saying Mr. Terry was a preacher, and did not meddle with such matters, neither had he any charge of them, having only come along with them.

I have related this anecdote of the picture for the instruction of the gentlemen of the East India Company, and for him who may succeed me, to be very careful that what they send into this country may not be susceptible of an evil interpretation; for the king and people are pregnant with, and full of, scrupulosity and jealousy. For, though the king concealed his opinion, yet I had ground, from what he did say, to believe he thought the picture was meant in derision of the Asiatics, whom he conceived to be represented by the satyr, as being of their complexion; and that Venus leading him by the nose denoted the great influence exercised by the women of that country over the men.

He was satisfied that I had never seen the picture, and therefore pressed me no farther about its explanation; yet he shewed no discontent, but rolled up the pictures, saying he would accept even the satyr as a present from me. As for the saddle, and some other trifles, he said he would have them sent to his son, for whom they were fit, as a present from me, to whom he would write so effectually, pursuant to his promise, that I should stand in no need of a solicitor near him in any of my affairs. He added many compliments, excuses, professions, and protestations, such as might proceed either from a very noble or very base mind.

He then enquired what was meant by the figures of the beasts, and whether they had been sent for me to give him. I had understood that they were very mean and ill-shaped images, from which the varnish had come off, and were ill-formed lumps of wood. I was really ashamed of them, and told him this was no fault of mine, those who had seized them being guilty of the affront, in conveying them to his majesty, for whom they were not intended, having only been sent to shew the forms of certain animals in our country. He quickly replied, "Did you think in England that a horse or a bull were strange to me?" I answered, that I thought not upon such mean matters, the sender being an ordinary man, who had sent these things out of good-will to me, and that I could not know what might have been his thoughts.

The king then said he would keep them all; but that he desired I would procure for him a horse of the largest size, a male and female mastiff, some tall Irish greyhounds, and such other hunting-dogs as we had in England, adding, on the word of a king, if I would procure him these, he would fully recompense me, and grant everything I desired. I answered, that I would engage to have them sent by the next ships, but could not answer for their lives in so long a voyage, but should direct their skins and bones to be preserved if they died, to convince his majesty I had obeyed his commands. Upon this he bowed to me repeatedly, laid his hand on his heart, and shewed me so much kindness, favour, and familiarity, that all present declared they had never seen him use the like to any man before.

This was all my recompense, except that he often desired me to be merry, as he would royally requite the wrongs he had done me, and send me home to my country with grace and rewards befitting a gentleman. Thus, seeing nothing returned of all that was seized but words, I requested his majesty would order the velvets and silks to be delivered back, as these were merchant goods sent up among mine by the command of his majesty, by which they had escaped the rapacity of the prince's officers. He then desired Mr. Bidulph to be called for, that he might agree with and pay him for their value.

I then delivered in a memorial, which I had ready written, containing my demands for privileges and justice, as otherwise I should return home a mere useless person, and under disgrace with my sovereign. I pressed likewise to have justice in regard to a debt due by Zulphecar Khan, lately deceased. He replied, that he would take such order with his son, in regard to our affairs at Surat, that I should have no cause to complain, and would give such orders for other places as should in every respect shew his regard for me; and, that I might return to my master with honour, he would send by me a rich and worthy present, together with his letters certifying my good behaviour, and giving me much praise.

He likewise commanded me to name what I thought would be most acceptable. To this I answered, that I could not crave, as that was not our custom, neither was it consistent with the honour of my sovereign; but I had no doubt that whatever he was pleased to send would be acceptable from so potent a monarch, who was already so much loved by my master. He then said, that I thought he only asked in jest to please me, as he saw I was still discontented; but he assured me he was my friend, and would prove so in the end, and swore by his head that he spoke sincerely in regard to the presents, and that therefore I must not refuse to name some for his satisfaction.

This earnestness forced me to say, that, if his majesty pleased, I thought some large Persian carpets might be fittest, as my master did not look for gifts of cost and value. To this he answered, that he would provide them of all sorts and sizes, and should add to them what else he thought fit, that my master might know how great was his respect. Having venison of various kinds before him, he gave me half a stag, which he said he had himself killed, and that I should see the rest bestowed on his ladies. This was presently cut up into four-pound pieces, and was sent into the interior apartments by his young son and two women in their bare hands, just as if he had been doling out such small fragments to the poor by way of charity. I had now as abundant grace and fair words as might have flattered me into conceit, but our injuries were not to be compensated by words, though I was glad of these as a colour for dissembling my discontent.

In conclusion, he repeated his expressions of desire to satisfy me, saying, he hoped I went away contented. To which I answered, that his majesty's favour was sufficient to make me any amends. He then said that he had only one farther question to ask: "How comes it, now that I have seen your presents for two years, that your master, before you came, sent by a mean man, a merchant, five times as many and more curious toys, and having sent you his ambassador, with a commission and his letters mentioning presents, that you should have brought so little, so mean, and so much inferior to the other? I acknowledge you as an ambassador, and have found you a gentleman in your behaviour, but am amazed you are so slightly provided."

I was about to reply, when he cut me short, saying, "I know that all this is not your king's fault nor yours, but I shall shew you that I esteem you more than those who employed you. At your return, I shall send you home with honour and reward, according to your quality and merit, not regarding what you have brought me, and shall send a present to your lord and master, befitting a king to send. Only this will I require from you, and do not expect it from the merchants, that you will take with you patterns of the following articles: a quiver and bow-case, a coat of mail, a cushion to rest my head upon in our fashion, and a pair of boots, which you shall cause to be embroidered for me in England in the richest manner, as I know they can do these things in your country better than any I have seen. These things I shall expect from you, and if you send them, I promise you, on the word of a king, that you shall be no loser."

This I most chearfully undertook, and he commanded Asaph Khan to send me the patterns. He then asked if I had any grape wine, which I said I had. He desired to have some of it to taste next night, and if he liked it, he would be obliged to me to let him have it, otherwise I might make merry with it myself. Thus the whole of this night being spent in discourse only with me, he rose up, and I departed.

On the 3rd of March we arrived at Mundu, into which the king was expected to make his entry; but the day for that was not yet fixed, as he waited till the astrologers had determined upon an auspicious hour for the ceremony, so that we had all to remain without, waiting for the good hour. The 6th I entered Mundu, and my servants, whom I had sent before to seek out for quarters, had taken possession of a fair court, well walled round, in which was a goodly temple and a tomb. Some of the king's servants had already taken up their quarters there, but I got possession and kept it, being the best within the whole circuit of Mundu, though two miles from the king's house; yet it was so nearly sufficient, that a very small charge was sufficient to make it defensible against the rains, and save me 1000 rupees. The air was wholesome, and the prospect pleasant, as it was on the very edge of the hill.

I went at night of the 11th to meet the king, but was told that, on the news of a lion[210] having killed some horses, the king had gone out to hunt for that animal. I thus had leisure to look out for water; for such was the unaccountable want of foresight, that we were brought, with a multitude of people and beasts, to a hill on which was no water, so that the men and cattle were ready to perish. What little was to be found in certain wells and tanks had been taken possession of by the great men, and kept by force, so that I could not procure any. The poor forsook the city; many more were commanded away by proclamation, and all horses or other cattle were ordered to be removed.

Thus, those who were in hopes of rest, were enforced to seek out new dwelling places, and had to go away some two, three, and even four cosses, to the extreme trouble and inconvenience of all, and occasioning provisions to rise greatly in price. For my own part, I was greatly troubled how to determine. My house was very good, and, though far from markets, it was still less inconvenient to submit to that trouble than to remain in the fields without house or shelter, where I must have gone to encamp, but then I was in want of water.

Riding about with this view, I came to a great tank or pool, which was guarded for a khan, to whom the king had granted its use. I sent to acquaint him of my needs, and asked leave to draw water at his tank, when he was pleased to allow me to have four loads daily. This satisfied me in some sort; and by selling off some of the goods that had been sent me from Surat, and putting away some of my cattle, I had hope of being able to live; for which purpose I sent two of my carriages, with their servants and cattle, to remain out of town, and thus relieved myself from this public calamity. There was not a misery or inconvenience that I was not subjected to, in thus following the court of the Mogul, owing to the want of good management in the government, and the intemperature of the climate.

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[Footnote 209: This story does not however appear, the journal of Sir Thomas Roe being left imperfect, both in the Pilgrims and in the Collection of Churchill.--E.]
[Footnote 210: It is almost certain that the lions of these early voyages and travels, at least in India, were tigers.--E.]